On 25 April 2026, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China’s Central Committee, visited Myanmar, meeting with Myanmar President U Min Aung Hlaing and the Union Minister for Foreign Affairs U Tin Maung Swe at the invitation of the latter.
It was the very first delegation of high-level diplomats visiting Myanmar within a month that the country had established its new government and parliament following the 2025-26 General Election. What is more, Chinese President Xi Jinping was the first to send a congratulatory message to our president, U Min Aung Hlaing, within hours of his election as president. Again, Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar Ms Ma Jia was also the very first ambassador to pay a courtesy call on President U Min Aung Hlaing on 6 April. Furthermore, Special Envoy of the Chinese President Xi Jinping, Jiang Xinzhi, who is also the vice-chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, attended the presidential inauguration ceremony and met President U Min Aung Hlaing on 10 April in Nay Pyi Taw.
It is learned that China’s policy towards Myanmar remains constant in supporting Myanmar’s own development path that suits its national conditions; and supporting Myanmar’s national sovereignty, security and territorial integrity. During the visit, Chinese FM Wang Yi also said: “China has always been and will remain a truly reliable friend and partner of Myanmar and is willing to deepen practical cooperation”.
Strategic collaboration for pragmatic benefits
This year marks the beginning of a new chapter for Myanmar and its people under the leadership of the newly elected government. People’s hopes and expectations revive. The previous Thingyan Festival seems a forerunner of Myanmar’s enduring peace, development and prosperity. The Myanmar people, with resilient characteristics, have overcome tests and challenges that came from many directions in recent years. This year’s Thingyan was so emotional, full of peace, joyfulness, and auspiciousness – a signal of a well-prepared eagerness of the nation to proceed to follow the development routes.
This year also marks the initial year of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan. Both sides are expected to join hands not only in advancing their respective modernization and national rejuvenation processes, but also in promoting regional security, peace and integrity.
China’s 15th Five-Year Plan, which was approved in March 2026’s Two Sessions, outlines re-framing and upgrading the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) toward high-quality development. Other areas involve digital infrastructure, green energy, Artificial Intelligence, robotic technology and many priorities.
Simply thought, it is a good opportunity to reconstruct and improve electricity accessibility and infrastructure of Myanmar under strategic cooperation in energy and oil and gas sectors, and implement the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor by taking benefits from the initiation of the 15th Five-Year Plan of China.
“Together implementing the four global initiatives proposed by President Xi Jinping (Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, Global Civilization Initiative, and Global Governance Initiative), we would like to build high-quality Belt and Road Initiative for long-lasting China-Myanmar community with a shared future to ensure economic development outcomes for the people,” Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar Ms Ma Jia remarked during the meeting of the first-quarter of China-Myanmar media briefing held on 26 March 2026 at the Wyndham Grand Hotel in Yangon.
Pauk-Phaw tie strengthens over time
The world has entered a turbulent hostility. Myanmar firmly supports the global peace proposed by Chinese wisdom. Both President U Min Aung Hlaing and Union Minister for Foreign Affairs U Tin Maung Swe reiterated that Myanmar firmly supports the four global initiatives proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping (GDI, GSI, GCI and GGI) for the well-being of the world; and the four-point proposal put forward by Chinese President for peace and stability in the Middle East, during their meeting with Chinese FM Wang Yi on 25 April.
Moreover, the two countries jointly uphold the Bandung Spirit or the values of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence for preserving world peace and encouraging multilateralism.
This year 2026, also marks the 76th Anniversary of Myanmar-China diplomatic relations. Bound by history, geography and culture, the two intertwined countries and their people enjoy a time-honoured fraternal (Pauk Phaw) tie – a bond that Myanmar reserves only for China in its diplomatic agenda.
“Pauk Phaw” is a Burmese term, meaning “kinsfolk” or “close relatives.” It symbolizes the enduring bond between Myanmar and China, reflecting a friendship that extends over a thousand years. Although formal diplomatic relations were established on 8 June 1950, just a few months after the founding of the New China, exchanges and interactions between these two ancient civilizations had already been taking place for centuries. In 2011, the tie was upgraded to a comprehensive strategic partnership.
During the last week’s talks, both sides discussed ways to further strengthen the “Pauk Phaw” relations between Myanmar and China, the building of a Community with a Shared Future, and the momentous acceleration of existing friendly ties and practical cooperation. They reaffirmed to accelerate a pragmatic bilateral strategic partnership and high-level exchanges. They also exchanged views on continued cooperation to maintain peace and stability along the shared border, China’s support for Myanmar’s peace process and socioeconomic development, and increased cooperation based on good neighbourliness in combating online scamming and illegal activities in border areas. Both sides further emphasized mutual support in regional and international arenas and reaffirmed their commitment to promoting mutually beneficial cooperation. Myanmar reiterated its unwavering support for the One China Principle.
Chinese FM stated in the talk with Myanmar’s Union Minister for Foreign Affairs U Tin Maung Swe that China would continue to support Myanmar’s peace process and remain a reliable neighbour upon which Myanmar can depend, based on the “Pauk Phaw” friendship.
“Neighbours helping neighbours and building an amicable neighbourhood is part of Chinese tradition and culture”, – Wang Yi said during the press conference held last month in Beijing as part of China’s Two Sessions meetings.
“Neighbour” also in Myanmar culture is often even better than the faraway relatives. It is a blessing that great neighbours are coexisting peacefully, with mutual benefits. People of Myanmar and China will truly carry this fraternal tie to our next generations by sharing weal and woe.

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As a proud citizen of Myanmar, I often reflect on our nation’s journey and its place in the global community. In an increasingly interconnected world, Myanmar’s foreign policy and its regional partnerships are more crucial than ever for fostering stability, economic growth, and a shared future for all. The recent visit of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to Myanmar on 25 April 2026 stands as a powerful reaffirmation of the enduring bonds and forward-looking cooperation that define our relationships with key regional partners, particularly our closest neighbour, China.
The historical ties between Myanmar and China, affectionately known as “Pauk-Phaw” (fraternal kinship), are deeply rooted in shared history and mutual respect. This friendship is not merely symbolic; it is built on a foundation of trust and shared principles that have guided our interactions for decades. The recent high-level engagement, where Foreign Minister Wang Yi met Myanmar’s new President U Min Aung Hlaing in Nay Pyi Taw, underscored the continued vitality of this comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership. From a citizen’s perspective, such visits are vital, signalling a commitment to dialogue and collaboration that directly impacts our nation’s trajectory. The “Pauk-Phaw” spirit, characterized by mutual understanding and a willingness to support each other through various challenges, forms the bedrock of this unique relationship. It is a bond that transcends mere diplomatic exchanges, reflecting a genuine desire for shared prosperity and regional harmony.
President U Min Aung Hlaing emphasized Myanmar’s consistent regard for its relationship with China as its most important bilateral tie. This sentiment resonates deeply within our nation, recognizing the profound impact of this partnership on our development and stability. Myanmar’s unwavering commitment to the One-China policy was also reiterated, showcasing our adherence to international norms and our respect for China’s core interests. Furthermore, Myanmar expressed high appreciation and active support for the China-proposed four global initiatives, indicating a shared vision for global governance and multilateral cooperation. These gestures are crucial in building a robust framework for future collaboration and mutual understanding. The four global initiatives – the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Data Security Initiative – offer a comprehensive approach to addressing contemporary global challenges, and Myanmar’s support underscores its commitment to a more equitable and peaceful world order.
Economically, the discussions during Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit focused on advancing the construction of the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC). This initiative is a cornerstone of our bilateral cooperation, promising to enhance infrastructure, boost trade, and foster economic development across our nation. The CMEC is not just a series of projects; it represents a pathway to improved connectivity, increased investment, and expanded opportunities for our people. From improved transportation networks, such as railways and highways connecting our two nations, to enhanced energy cooperation, including the proper operation of oil and gas pipelines, these developments are expected to create jobs, stimulate local economies, and integrate Myanmar more deeply into regional supply chains. For ordinary citizens, this means better access to markets for their produce, more employment opportunities in infrastructure development and related industries, and ultimately, a higher quality of life. The strategic importance of the CMEC cannot be overstated, as it positions Myanmar as a crucial link in regional trade and economic integration, fostering sustainable growth and reducing poverty.
Beyond economic cooperation, a significant focus of the recent visit was on maintaining border peace and stability. The commitment from both sides to work together on this critical issue is particularly reassuring. Myanmar faces complex challenges along its borders, and China’s support in ensuring tranquillity is invaluable. This collaboration extends to intensifying the crackdown on cross-border crimes, including online gambling and telecom fraud. These illicit activities pose serious threats to our society, impacting individuals and undermining the rule of law. The joint resolve to eradicate these problems and take concrete measures to ensure the safety of Chinese personnel, institutions, and projects in Myanmar demonstrates a shared responsibility for regional security and the well-being of our communities. Such efforts are essential for fostering a secure environment conducive to sustainable development and cross-border exchanges, protecting our citizens from exploitation, and maintaining social order.
Foreign Minister Wang Yi, for his part, stressed that China’s policy towards Myanmar remains consistent and unwavering. China firmly supports Myanmar in following a successful development path that suits its national conditions and is supported by its people. This principle of non-interference, coupled with support for our national sovereignty, security, and territorial integrity, is a cornerstone of our relationship. China’s commitment to assisting Myanmar in achieving national peace, reconciliation, and social harmony is also deeply appreciated. These assurances from a powerful neighbour provide a sense of stability and confidence as our nation navigates its internal processes. The vision of building a China-Myanmar community with a shared future perfectly aligns with the development and revitalization needs of both countries, serving the fundamental interests of both peoples. This shared future emphasizes mutual prosperity, collective progress, and a commitment to navigating challenges together, ensuring that both nations can thrive in an increasingly complex global landscape.
Furthermore, China expressed its willingness to support Myanmar’s participation in more dialogue and cooperation mechanisms and the enhancement of its interaction with ASEAN. This support for Myanmar’s regional and international engagement is crucial for our nation’s diplomatic standing and its ability to contribute to broader regional stability. It signifies China’s recognition of Myanmar’s role in Southeast Asia and its desire to see our nation thrive within the regional framework. As citizens, we understand that a strong and engaged Myanmar benefits not only ourselves but also our neighbours and the wider international community. Myanmar’s active participation in regional forums, facilitated by China’s encouragement, can lead to greater diplomatic influence and a stronger voice on issues of mutual concern, further solidifying our position as a responsible member of the international community.
In sum, the recent visit of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to Myanmar on 25 April 2026 was a pivotal event that reaffirmed the strength and potential of the Myanmar-China partnership. From a citizen’s perspective, these high-level engagements are far more than diplomatic exchanges; they are vital indicators of a shared commitment to a future where Myanmar can achieve lasting peace, robust economic growth, and a respected place in the community of nations, supported by strong and reliable regional alliances. The renewed emphasis on economic cooperation through the CMEC, the joint efforts to ensure border stability and combat crime, and China’s unwavering support for Myanmar’s sovereignty and internal harmony all contribute to a positive outlook. As we move forward, maintaining and nurturing these partnerships will be paramount to realizing our aspirations for a stable, prosperous, and harmonious Myanmar. The path to a brighter future for Myanmar is paved with strong regional ties, and the continued commitment from our Chinese neighbours is a welcome and positive step in this direction, offering hope and tangible benefits for all our people.

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For many decades, Myanmar has endured prolonged armed conflicts that have deeply affected the lives of its people and hindered national development. These conflicts, rooted in historical, political, and ethnic complexities, have created divisions that continue to challenge the country’s journey towards unity. Yet, despite these difficulties, there remains a strong and enduring hope among the people for lasting peace – a peace that is not merely the absence of conflict, but the presence of justice, trust, and mutual respect.
The foundation for such peace must begin with a sincere commitment to resolving issues through political means rather than violence. Dialogue, understanding, and compromise are essential tools in addressing long-standing grievances. Throughout Myanmar’s history, successive governments have attempted to engage ethnic armed organizations through peace talks, ceasefire agreements, and various negotiation efforts. While these initiatives have had mixed results, they reflect an important recognition: that sustainable peace can only be achieved through inclusive political solutions.
At present, renewed efforts are being made to strengthen the peace process under national leadership. The emphasis on holding open, free, and unconditional dialogue meetings is a positive step forward. Such platforms provide opportunities for all stakeholders – government representatives, ethnic armed organizations, civil society groups, and community leaders – to express their concerns, aspirations, and ideas. For these discussions to be meaningful, they must be conducted in a spirit of sincerity, transparency, and mutual respect. Trust cannot be built overnight, but it can grow steadily through consistent and honest engagement.
A key component of Myanmar’s peace process is the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). For those ethnic armed organizations that have already signed the NCA, there is both an opportunity and a responsibility to continue implementing its provisions with integrity. Responsibility, accountability, and transparency must guide every step of this process. By honouring commitments and working collaboratively, these groups can help build confidence and demonstrate that peaceful cooperation is possible.
At the same time, it is important to recognize the concerns of those organizations that have not yet signed the NCA. Their hesitation may stem from unresolved issues, lack of trust, or differing perspectives on political arrangements. Rather than viewing these differences as obstacles, they should be seen as opportunities for deeper dialogue. Inviting these groups to participate in discussions, acknowledging their viewpoints, and working towards mutually acceptable solutions are essential steps in creating an inclusive peace process.
Equally important is the need to re-engage with groups that may have deviated from the peace process. Conflict dynamics are complex, and setbacks are not uncommon. However, the door to dialogue should always remain open. Encouraging renewed participation through constructive and respectful engagement can help bring all parties back to the negotiating table. Peace is not a linear journey, but a continuous effort that requires patience, resilience, and goodwill.
Beyond formal negotiations, the role of the broader society cannot be overlooked. Peace is not solely the responsibility of governments or armed groups; it is a collective endeavour that involves every citizen. Civil society organizations, community leaders, youth groups, and religious institutions all have important roles to play in promoting understanding, reconciliation, and social harmony. By fostering a culture of peace at the grassroots level, they can help bridge divides and strengthen the foundations of national unity.
Moreover, it is crucial to address the underlying causes of conflict, including inequality, lack of development, and limited access to resources and opportunities. Peace cannot flourish in conditions of poverty and marginalization. Therefore, efforts to promote economic development, improve infrastructure, expand education, and ensure equitable distribution of resources are integral to the peace process. When communities see tangible improvements in their lives, they are more likely to support and sustain peaceful initiatives.
Another important aspect of building lasting peace is acknowledging the suffering that has been endured by countless individuals and communities. Years of conflict have resulted in displacement, loss of livelihoods, and deep emotional wounds. Healing these wounds requires compassion, empathy, and a commitment to justice. Creating spaces for dialogue, remembrance, and reconciliation can help individuals and communities move forward while honouring their experiences.
At the same time, it is necessary to recognize that there are individuals and groups who may benefit from the continuation of conflict. These actors, driven by personal or economic interests, may seek to undermine peace efforts. Addressing this challenge requires vigilance, strong institutions, and a shared commitment among all stakeholders to prioritize the well-being of the nation over narrow interests. Transparency and accountability are essential in ensuring that the peace process remains focused on the common good.
The role of stakeholders, both within Myanmar and in the international community, is also significant. Cooperation, support, and constructive engagement can help strengthen peace initiatives and provide valuable resources and expertise. However, such support must always respect Myanmar’s sovereignty and be guided by the needs and aspirations of its people.
Ultimately, achieving lasting peace in Myanmar requires a shared vision — a vision of a nation where diversity is celebrated, where all communities feel valued and respected, and where differences are resolved through dialogue rather than conflict. This vision must be supported by concrete actions, sustained commitment, and a genuine desire for reconciliation.
The path to peace is undoubtedly challenging, but it is not impossible. With goodwill, patience, and collective effort, Myanmar can move beyond its history of conflict and build a future defined by harmony and progress. Every step taken toward dialogue, every effort to build trust, and every act of compassion bring the nation closer to this goal.
In brief, the pursuit of lasting peace in Myanmar is a journey that requires the participation and dedication of all. By embracing political solutions, fostering inclusive dialogue, addressing underlying challenges, and promoting a culture of understanding and respect, Myanmar can create a foundation for enduring peace. It is a responsibility shared by all – leaders and citizens alike – to work together with sincerity and determination to turn this hope into reality.

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The President, U Min Aung Hlaing, unveiled a comprehensive vision for the nation’s future in his inaugural address. The speech touched on Political Restructuring and Federal Dynamics, Educational Reform and Human Capital Development, Public Health Infrastructure and Demographic Outcomes, Economic Revitalization and Market Orientation, Agrarian Welfare and Rural Development Imperatives, Gender Mainstreaming and Institutional Support, and Environmental Stewardship and Climate Resilience.

Political Restructuring and Federal Dynamics
The President articulated a comprehensive strategy for the consolidation of democratic institutions and the establishment of a Union predicated on the principles of democracy and federalism. The address emphasized a holistic approach encompassing peace-building, democratic transition, and national reconciliation. A significant aspect of this framework is the explicit emphasis on synergistic collaboration among all extant political parties, ethnic nationalities, and civil society organizations.
Based on these declarations, it is plausible to envision a trajectory where the Union achieves a complete cessation of hostilities, thereby creating an atmosphere of national tranquillity and security. Consequently, the citizenry is anticipated to substantially experience the inherent benefits of democratic governance and federal decentralization. Furthermore, this paradigm shift suggests a fortification of juridical integrity and the entrenchment of the rule of law. In the realm of external affairs, the policy direction implies a recalibration of diplomatic engagement to enhance bilateral and multilateral relations, thereby positioning the Republic of the Union of Myanmar as a commensurate actor on the global stage.

Educational Reform and Human Capital Development
The administration’s policy agenda emphasizes the fundamental and mandatory enhancement of the national education sector. The primary objective is to provide internationally recognized pedagogy for the youth demographic, ensuring equitable access regardless of geographic or regional disparities. Special provisions and strategic interventions are outlined for states and regions with educational deficiencies, with a specific mandate to implement a standardized KG+9 curriculum framework.
The logical corollary of such a policy is the attenuation of inter-regional educational inequality, fostering a homogenous standard of academic attainment across the Union. This is projected to yield a significant demographic dividend characterized by a proliferation of an erudite and skilled youth cohort, thereby augmenting the nation’s competitive standing in the global knowledge economy.
Moreover, the proposed curricular integration of vocational disciplines, including industrial arts, agriculture, and animal husbandry, at the basic and middle school tiers, coupled with the proliferation of technical and agricultural high schools, addresses the exigencies of the labour market. The subsequent elevation of select agricultural and livestock institutes to tertiary status, alongside the expansion of polytechnic universities, is anticipated to engender a generation of adept professionals equipped with both theoretical acumen and applied technical proficiency, thereby ensuring socio-economic resilience and livelihood security.

Public Health Infrastructure and Demographic Outcomes
The policy pronouncements regarding the health sector prioritize a foundational overhaul of care delivery systems, premised on the principle that a robust citizenry constitutes a vital national asset. The administration has committed to the formulation and execution of efficacious policies aimed at enhancing national fitness and elevating health standards. The operational emphasis rests upon the delivery of direct, tangible healthcare benefits that are universally accessible, thereby mitigating the urban-rural healthcare divide.
The implementation of such inclusive health policies portends a discernible improvement in the quality of care available to the populace of Myanmar. By ensuring parity in access to medical services across all geographical loci, the state anticipates an amelioration in public health indices, most notably an upward trend in national life expectancy projections. This approach aligns with global health governance standards aimed at achieving Universal Health Coverage.

To enhance and amplify the efficacy of female participation across all sectors, the establishment of a dedicated Ministry of Women’s Affairs was announced. This institutional intervention is intended to cultivate and harness the potential of exceptional female talent, thereby accelerating national progress through inclusive policy frameworks.

Economic Revitalization and Market Orientation
In addressing macroeconomic stabilization and growth, the President identified the development of Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) as a pivotal catalyst for economic resurgence. The strategy involves a critical review and streamlining of bureaucratic procedures and regulatory frameworks to incentivize both foreign direct investment (FDI) and domestic capital formation. The policy is designed to mitigate extant economic pressures, including inflationary trends, commodity price volatility, and structural unemployment.
The anticipated outcome is a flourishing MSME landscape, which is expected to alleviate immediate subsistence pressures on the populace. The anticipated influx of international investment capital is projected to augment the gross domestic product (GDP) and stabilize the national revenue stream. By calibrating the economic system to align with the unique structural realities of the Myanmar market, the state endeavours to establish a sustainable, long-term economic equilibrium, thereby stabilizing the vocational and subsistence pathways of the broader population. This framework suggests a pragmatic, albeit state-guided, transition toward market-oriented mechanisms.
Agrarian Welfare and Rural Development Imperatives
The address placed significant emphasis on poverty alleviation and the elevation of the agrarian class as a cardinal priority. Acknowledging that approximately 70 per cent of the national population resides in rural areas and is predominantly reliant upon agricultural and livestock sectors for subsistence, the policy directive mandates targeted interventions for rural socio-economic advancement. The explicit objective is the amelioration of living standards for the farming community and the holistic development of rural infrastructure. The successful execution of these initiatives is projected to catalyze substantial improvements in the rural socioeconomic fabric, thereby contributing to the overarching national development agenda.

Gender Mainstreaming and Institutional Support
Recognizing the demographic composition wherein women comprise approximately 53 per cent of the population (exceeding 51 million total), the President acknowledged the historical contributions of Myanmar women as scholars, professionals, and achievers. To enhance and amplify the efficacy of female participation across all sectors, the establishment of a dedicated Ministry of Women’s Affairs was announced. This institutional intervention is intended to cultivate and harness the potential of exceptional female talent, thereby accelerating national progress through inclusive policy frameworks.

Environmental Stewardship and Climate Resilience
In the context of escalating global climate volatility and the increasing frequency of natural disasters, the address underscored the critical importance of natural resource conservation. The President catalogued Myanmar’s abundant endowment of forests, watersheds, lacustrine systems, and biodiversity. The policy framework recognizes that the preservation of these ecological assets is imperative for both human and zoological survival amidst the challenges of global warming and climate perturbation. The strategy advocates for the mitigation of deforestation and carbon emissions through the adoption and utilization of renewable energy sources that ensure minimal environmental degradation. Consequently, the conservation of these natural resources is expected to enhance the nation’s resilience to environmental shocks and foster a trajectory towards a verdant and ecologically sustainable state.
In summary, the President’s address presents a comprehensive and ambitious vision for Myanmar’s future. The policies outlined hold the potential to bring significant improvements across various sectors.

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This article written by Atul Aneja, a veteran journalist, was published in StratNew Global, headquartered in New Delhi, India, on 7 April 2026. The author underscored Myanmar’s New Look as the current political landscape in Myanmar, and the full text of the article is as follows:-

After battling more than five years of a bitter Western-backed insurgency, Myanmar appears set for a new beginning.
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the face of the resistance against externally backed Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) and affiliates, has been elected by a brand new parliament as president. His ascent followed month-long parliamentary polls that began in Myanmar towards the end of December 2025.
Critics have labelled the ongoing elections as a sham, pointing out that free and fair polls were impossible due to violence raging in many parts of the country, and the decision by the National League of Democracy (NLD), still on paper, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, to boycott the polls.
Nothing could be further from the truth. Before raking mud at the government, these analysts have to understand that elections in Myanmar have, since its independence, always been held in troubling political contexts, and have never been perfect. This one was no exception.
Take, for instance, the 1951 poll, Myanmar’s first founding elections. It took place at a time when the country was encountering multiple insurgencies that had immediately followed Myanmar’s independence in 1948.
The post-independence government of U Nu was labelled as the “Yangon Government”, as it was unable to extend its writ beyond Yangon, the former capital.
But in a bold counteroffensive that was launched in 1950, government forces succeeded in wresting control over major urban centres. Here, India supported Myanmar in coordinating cross-border patrolling and stemming the flow of Naga and Mizo tribesmen into Myanmar from the northeast.
Consequently, a decision was taken to hold elections as promised in 1951. Those landmark elections, too, were held in three phases, but lasted an extended period of over fourteen months. Starting in June 1951, they concluded in April 1952.
However, polls could not be held in many border zones, where ethnic states had been formed. In fact, polling failed to materialize in nearly 11 per cent of central Myanmar’s regions due to fighting.  But, despite the odds, U Nu’s Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League won handsomely.  A decade of peaceful and prosperous democratic rule followed.
Fast forward to 2010, when another imperfect but highly consequential poll took place. In that year, the military-led State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) convened elections, following the adoption of the 2008 Constitution through a referendum.
Sceptics then too slammed those elections, which were being held after decades of military rule. National morale too was quite low, as the people had been suffering from the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis.
Amid the pessimism, some major political parties, including the NLD, boycotted these elections. In fact, polling could not be held in the entire Wa Self-Administered Division.
But beating all odds, these elections yielded the government led by U Thein Sein, who assumed office in 2011. The Thein Sein administration introduced path-breaking 360-degree reforms covering political, economic and humanitarian domains.
Consequently, for another decade, Myanmar plugged into the international mainstream. Foreign investments poured in, imparting forward momentum to the economy. Besides, political stability returned following the “Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement” with eight Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs).
Though the international context has entirely changed – the Western-dominated unipolar world hurtling towards multipolarity now – the 2025 elections do faintly echo the 2010 situation.
Several international organizations say the polls are not credible, as the majority of the country’s remote regions are still engulfed in serious armed conflicts.
Yet, it is important to peer through the international media haze in order to evaluate the factual situation. For instance, the State Security and Peace Commission (SSPC) held elections in 265 townships. This is a big success as it covers 80 per cent of the total 330 townships in the country.
The 2024 national census shows that only 13 per cent of the total population lives in the 65 townships where elections have been cancelled.
Not only are these 65 townships sparsely populated because of their remote location, but they have also suffered heavy migration to neighbouring countries due to the conflict, further reducing the population density there.
According to the narrative pursued by the so-called “international community”, the latest elections are illegitimate because they are rooted in a so-called military coup mounted by the recently elected President.
This is a mischievous argument which deliberately ignores the provisions of Myanmar’s 2008 constitution, which was invoked to remove and arrest Aung San Suu Kyi, the supposed winner of the 2020 parliamentary elections.
Understanding the context of the February 2021 military takeover and details about Myanmar’s conctitution is imperative.
The 2020 polls took place when the second wave of COVID was raging. This health emergency was bound to negatively impact campaigning. Besides, the military contested the 70 per cent turnout figure declared by the previous election commission, which overwhelmingly favoured Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD).
In fact, the military argued that millions of voter names were inaccurate on electoral rolls, and claimed that advance voting and postal ballots were manipulated.  It demanded a rerun of the elections, or a recount, which was not granted.
“In 2020, one-third of the eligible votes were fake. In polling stations, there was no need to show ID cards. Around 11 million voters were fake,” Ko Ko Hlaing, an adviser to the former Senior General, now President, told this writer.
He added, “The commander-in-chief tried to negotiate at midnight before. The NLD rejected all compromises. The C-in-C offered to postpone the declaration of election results so that fact-checking could take place before a new parliament could convene.”
The military also apprehended that serious attempts were underway to amend the constitution, which requires a difficult-to-muster but not impossible 75 per cent majority, provided some lawmakers holding the 25 per cent seats reserved for the military break ranks.
For instance, in 2019-2020, the NLD had proposed amendments which included a reduction in the guaranteed military quota from 25 per cent to five per cent over time. Besides, it sought to remove a provision in the 2008 constitution that barred anyone with foreign family members from becoming President.
This clause was directly impacting  Aung San Suu Kyi, whose late husband and children are British citizens.
Consequently, in February 2021, the military, under its then commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing, assumed power, invoking Section 417, Section 418 and Article 420 of the 2008 constitution.
Section 417 allows the President to declare a state of emergency if there is a threat of disintegration of the Union, loss of sovereignty, or attempts to take power by unlawful means. Once declared, the Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services assumes all state power.
Section 418, on the other hand, transfers legislative, executive, and judicial powers to the Commander-in-Chief during the emergency, while Section 420 grants the military authority to administer the country until the emergency is resolved.
With the military now exercising dominance in much of the heartland, mainly because of massive deployment of drones, air strikes and manpower expansion,  Myanmar authorities felt comfortable enough to order elections and return to civilian rule under the 2008 constitution.
In tune with the success of the latest poll, followed by the election of the new President, Myanmar has reasons to look forward to a better future.
As the post-election phase dawns, both houses that have converged have elected former Senior General Min Aung Hlaing as the new President. He will shed his previous positions.
Having weathered the storm of a vicious externally backed insurgency and imparting political stability, it is anticipated that the newly anointed President will leverage his experience, discernment, organizational capabilities, and diplomatic rapport with major partner nations to steer the reconstruction of Myanmar into a stable regional state.
During the five years of emergency, Myanmar’s leader had fully grasped that the unipolar world led by the United States was rapidly giving way to multipolarity. In tune with the global shift,  Myanmar’s foreign policy under him pivoted towards Russia, China and India – three civilizational states that are likely to anchor the multipolar world.
Along with this troika,  Myanmar warmed up to Belarus, a country that was close to Russia but whose leader, Lukashenko, like Viktar Orban of Hungary, had a close personal rapport with US President Donald Trump.  In other words, the leader of Belarus could provide a first-rate channel to influence the US President.
Besides, on Min Aung Hlaing’s watch, Myanmar had opened diplomatic channels with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and sought membership of the BRICS+ grouping.
In the post-election phase, Myanmar’s President has established a competent core team to advance the country’s national goals. They include First Vice-President U Nyo Saw, a retired General with a reputation for strategic thinking and deep influence in Myanmar’s economic sector.
The Second Vice-President is Nan Ni Ni Aye, an ethnic minority representative. She is expected to make significant strides in promoting ethnic reconciliation and enhancing social welfare, healthcare, and the development of women and children.
Furthermore, it is anticipated that the President may form a National Advisory Council to provide strategic advice on administrative, defence, and security matters.
While serious challenges remain, there is considerable optimism that Myanmar is driving pillars of hope for its future. If the President’s plans are well executed, including turning the country into an international hub of Theravada Buddhism, Myanmar, which borders India, Bangladesh, China, Laos and Thailand, can majorly contribute to the stability of the entire Indo-China region.
Atul Aneja is a veteran journalist who has covered some of the world’s hot spots, including West Asia and China.

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In a democratic system, elections are an indispensable process. Democracy embodies two essential dimensions: participation and competition. These two dimensions must be fully realized through free and fair elections, which constitute the very essence of democratic practice. Representatives, elected by the people in accordance with their free will, enter legislative bodies through the electoral process to represent the voice of the people. In doing so, parliaments serve as the fundamental pillars of law-making and as platforms through which the people’s will is expressed.
The right to vote is a fundamental right of every citizen. This principle is enshrined in Section 38 (a) of the 2008 Constitution, every citizen shall have the right to elect and to be elected under the law. Furthermore, international frameworks such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 21) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Article 25) guarantee the right to participate in elections. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women affirms equal electoral rights for women, while the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities ensures that persons with disabilities can exercise their voting rights without barriers.
Despite the state’s efforts to ensure inclusive participation, certain anti-democratic elements attempted to derail the process through “No Vote” campaigns and acts of terrorism. These included the destruction of polling stations and targeted attacks on civil servants and volunteers to incite fear. Nevertheless, democracy does not belong to any single individual or party. Despite such challenges, a total of 57 political parties participated, and the elections were successfully conducted in a free and fair manner.
During the first phase of the elections, international observers from countries including Russia, Belarus, China, Kazakhstan, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Nicaragua, as well as a Japan-Myanmar association, monitored the process. In the third phase, observers from Cambodia, Vietnam, Nicaragua, Indonesia, Nepal, Belarus, and India, along with the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP), also participated. These observation groups generally provided positive assessments, recognizing the elections as credible and well-conducted.
Following the successful completion of free and fair elections, legislative bodies at various levels were formed. Speakers and Deputy Speakers of Pyithu Hluttaw and Amyotha Hluttaw were elected, and standing committees were established to carry out parliamentary functions. Following the emergence of the new Hluttaws, the presidential election process commenced on 31 March. The electoral college, divided into three groups, nominated their respective Vice-Presidents:
v Pyithu Hluttaw Representative Group: Senior General Min Aung Hlaing was elected as Vice-President after receiving 247 out of 260 votes.
v Amyotha Hluttaw Representative Group: Nan Ni Ni Aye was elected as Vice- President, securing 117 out of 155 votes.
v Defence Services Personnel Representatives Group: U Nyo Saw was unanimously confirmed as Vice-President.
Subsequently, during the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw session held on 3 April, with 584 out of 586 representatives in attendance, the presidential election was conducted. Among the candidates, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing received the highest number of votes (429 votes) and was duly elected as the President. U Nyo Saw and Nan Ni Ni Aye were elected as Vice-Presidents.
Following the conduct of free and fair elections, representative elected from various political parties, ethnic representatives, and independent members within the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw collectively exercised their equal rights and responsibilities in accordance with democratic principles. Through a unanimous vote, they elected Senior General Min Aung Hlaing as the President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. This process may be regarded as a significant democratic procedure reflecting representation, inclusiveness, and unity.
The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Speaker declared Senior General Min Aung Hlaing from the group of Pyithu Hluttaw representatives who won the largest number of valid votes was elected as the President. He also announced that U Nyo Saw and Nan Ni Ni Aye were elected as Vice-Presidents.
This marks a significant milestone in Myanmar’s political history, particularly with the emergence of the country’s first female Vice-President. The inclusion of women in national leadership reflects a progressive step towards gender equality and inclusive governance.
With the establishment of 31 Union-level ministries, including those dedicated to women’s affairs and youth affairs, the new government is poised to enhance the role of women and young people in national progress. These developments represent positive momentum, and the formation of the new government in the new year is warmly welcomed as a step towards a peaceful, modern, and developed nation.

gnlm

Federalism means a system where different states have their own powers but still belong to one union. It is based on sharing power between the central government and the states through a common constitution.
If the central government is too weak and most power is given to the states, the country may face problems in development and national security. On the other hand, if the central government has too much power and the states have very little, dissatisfaction among the states may increase, and the system may become similar to a unitary system.
Countries like the United States and Switzerland are good examples of successful federal systems. In the United States, leaders often use the term “The Union” to show unity. States do not have the right to leave the union. In its early history, there were strong debates about federalism, but the addition of the Bill of Rights helped strengthen and stabilize the country.
In Myanmar, discussions about federalism have been difficult since independence. Problems such as misunderstanding between ethnic groups, different interpretations of terms, slow development, and narrow ethnic thinking have led to long-lasting conflicts.
The meaning of the “Panglong Spirit” “ပင်လုံစိတ်ဓာတ်” has also been misunderstood. Originally, it meant that all ethnic groups would live together in unity, sharing both success and hardship equally. However, misinterpretations and narrow views by some leaders have contributed to internal conflicts.
In reality, arguing about whether the country is called a “Union” or “Federal” is less important. What really matters is how power is shared fairly between the central government and the states.
Looking back at history, the Panglong Conference(ပင်လုံညီလာခံ) was not fully inclusive. It mainly involved leaders from the Bamar, Shan, Kachin, and Chin groups. Other groups, like Kayin and Kayah, were only observers. So, while it created a spirit of unity, it did not fully solve how the country should be organized.
There is a close connection between federal principles and the constitution. There is also a strong link between peace and how the union is built. The current system of seven states, seven regions, and self-administered zones is a practical structure.
In reality, no state belongs to only one ethnic group. For example, Shan State is not only for Shan people, and Ayeyawady Region is not only for Bamar people. People from different ethnic groups live across the country.
The structure of the Amyotha Hluttaw (House of Nationalities), which gives representation based on population, is reasonable. Giving equal representation to all states, regardless of size, may not work well in practice.
Also, the seven states and seven regions have equal status, and each has its own legislative body with some level of autonomy.
Under the 2008 Constitution, 25 per cent of parliamentary seats are reserved for the military. This is intended to support a stable and disciplined democratic transition and protect national unity. Myanmar’s history shows that weak understanding of democracy and political misuse led to instability in the past. Therefore, the military continues to play a role as a stabilizing force.
If people and leaders do not fully understand federalism, it may lead to confusion and instability. Moving from a centralized system to a federal one is complex and requires careful understanding and cooperation from all sides.
If civil society and the public do not understand federal principles, there is a risk of weakening the union. It is important to recognize that staying united brings more benefits than breaking apart.
The government is working to meet the needs of all ethnic groups as long as national unity is maintained. Now is a good time for all groups to move beyond mistrust and work together through dialogue.
Federalism is suitable for countries with many ethnic groups and large territories. However, it must be handled carefully. Its success depends on the wisdom, openness, and cooperation of leaders and people.
For Myanmar, which is still developing, poorly managed federalism could worsen existing problems. A strong and stable federal system can only be built through compromise, dialogue, and mutual understanding.
Myanmar is located between major global powers, so careful use of federal principles is important for national security and development. Ultimately, the people want peace, stability, and economic progress. These goals can only be achieved through internal peace and a shared constitutional agreement based on cooperation and trust.

gnlm

Following the historic 2025 multiparty democratic general election, widely regarded as free and fair and conducted using electronic voting machines, Myanmar has embarked upon a new chapter in its democratic journey. The general election was held in three phases: the first phase on 28 December 2025, the second phase on 11 January 2026, and the third phase on 25 January 2026. A total of 57 political parties and 86 independent candidates contested the election, including six political parties that competed nationwide and fifty-one political parties that participated in state- and regional-level elections.
As a result, 263 representatives were elected to the House of Representatives (Pyithu Hluttaw) and 157 to the House of Nationalities (Amyotha Hluttaw). Of those elected to the Pyithu Hluttaw, 230 were men, and 33 were women. While in the Amyotha Hluttaw, 133 men and 24 women secured seats. This election, widely regarded as free and fair, represents a significant step in strengthening democratic Hluttaw stands as a cornerstone of democracy, and this significance was reaffirmed governance in Myanmar.
After the historic 2025 election, Myanmar saw a pivotal moment as the Pyithu Hluttaw convened for the first time on 16 March 2026, and then on 18 March 2026, the Amyotha Hluttaw also held its first Hluttaw session, making another significant step for the country. During these inaugural sessions, U Khin Yi was elected the Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw, with U Maung Maung Ohn becoming the Deputy Speaker. In the Amyotha Hluttaw, U Aung Lin Dwe was elected the Speaker, and Jeng Phang Naw Taung was the Deputy Speaker.
The election itself was a vital milestone for democracy in Myanmar, as it gave the people a genuine voice.
As the Hluttaw now organizes its first standing committees, these bodies will play a key role in shaping policy, ensuring accountability, and fostering debate. The Hluttaw now moves forward with the formation of standing committees, which will play a crucial role in the legislative process, policy discussions, and ensuring accountability. As a primary pillar of democracy, the Hluttaw reflects the will of the people and strengthens democratic governance in Myanmar. In this way, the Hluttaw is not just a symbol, but a vital engine of democracy, propelling Myanmar forward as it embraces a new era of governance.
With the election of the Speakers and Deputy Speakers and the formation of standing committees, the Hluttaw has become vibrant and active. At the same time, questions have begun to arise about what takes place inside the Hluttaw and how its operations are processed. These questions reflect a growing interest in Hluttaw procedures, legislative functions, and the roles performed within the chambers.
Hluttaw serves as the legislative pillar of the state, with its primary responsibility being the enactment of laws. It plays a crucial role in maintaining the exercise of checks and balances across the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. Through mechanisms such as raising questions and submitting motions, Hluttaw reflects the voice of the people. In the process of Hluttaw questioning, Hluttaw representatives may raise both starred and unstarred questions. Starred questions require oral answers from the relevant Union ministers within the Hluttaw chamber, allowing for further clarification and supplementary questions. In contrast, unstarred questions are answered in writing by the respective ministries.
The principle of the separation of powers remains fundamental to democracy. Under this system, the legislative, executive, and judicial branches function independently while maintaining checks and balances. Among them, the legislative pillar, represented by the Hluttaw, plays a central role in lawmaking, representing the will of the people.
A strong and effective Hluttaw will be essential in consolidating democracy, upholding the rule of law, and ensuring that the voices of the people are reflected in national decision-making and ensuring accountable governance. This marks not only a political transition but also the beginning of a new era of democratic development for the nation.
As Myanmar move forwards, the strengthening of Hluttaw institutions will be essential in deepening democratic practice, upholding the rule of law, and ensuring accountable governance. A vibrant and responsive Hluttaw not only embodies the will of the people but also serves as the foundation upon which a stable, inclusive, and enduring democracy can be built. In this new era, the continued commitment to democratic principles will determine the nation’s path towards lasting peace and development.

gnlm

Definitions give shape to words, but nations give meaning to them.

Introduction
In approaching the three weighty terms – State, Sovereignty, and Armed Forces – it becomes clear that their meanings extend far beyond the confines of formal definitions. Yet, to appreciate their deeper implications for a nation and its people, it is essential to begin with how they are understood in global and local lexicons.
According to Oxford, a state is “a nation or territory considered as an organized political community under one government”, while Merriam-Webster describes it as “a politically organized body of people usually occupying a definite territory”. In Myanmar’s commonly used English-Myanmar dictionaries, the word state is rendered as နိုင်ငံ, an entity defined not only by borders and administration but by the collective identity of its citizens.
The term sovereignty, as Oxford notes, is “supreme power or authority,” and Merriam-Webster similarly defines it as “freedom from external control” or “controlling influence”. Locally, it is translated as အာဏာလွတ်မြောက်ခြင်း or အာဏာပိုင်ခွင့်မြေပိုင်ခွင့်အပြည့်အဝ or (လွတ်လပ်သော) အချုပ်အခြာအာဏာ, emphasizing independence, self-rule, and the undivided authority of a nation to determine its own path.
As for armed forces, Oxford frames them as “the military organizations of a country”, while Merriam-Webster identifies them as “the combined military, naval, and air forces of a nation”. In Myanmar dictionaries, the term appears as လုံခြုံရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ or more specifically တပ်မတော်, signalling not only the institutional structure but the profound national expectations placed upon it.

Yet, beyond these formal explanations, the nuances of these words – state, sovereignty, and armed forces – carry layers of collective sentiment, historical experience, and national consciousness. Their meanings shape how a people understand their identity, their place in the world, and their shared responsibility in upholding the integrity of their nation. In this essay, I seek to explore not only what these words define, but also what they imply, demand, and reveal when viewed through the lens of lived experience.

Historical Reflections: From Burma to Myanmar
When considering the ideas of state, sovereignty, and armed forces within our own national context, it becomes necessary to look across the arc of our history, from the era when the country was known internationally as Burma to the modern period in which it is recognized as Myanmar. Throughout these transitions, the essence of the state has remained anchored in the same foundational pillars: a land, a people, and the authority that binds them together.
During the period when the name Burma was widely used, the structure of the state was shaped by the challenges of colonial rule, the quest for self-determination, and the early attempts at nation-building. Sovereignty, in those years, was not merely a constitutional term but a longed-for condition – something to be reclaimed, defended, and redefined. The concept of armed forces likewise evolved during this time, emerging as a symbol of resistance, protection, and the aspiration towards national unity.
As the nation later adopted the name Myanmar, the idea of sovereignty became more than a historical achievement; it became a responsibility to be maintained amid changing political, social, and economic landscapes. The modern state had to navigate internal diversity, development priorities, and the pressures of an increasingly interconnected world. In this context, the role of the armed forces has continually been interpreted in relation to national security, territorial integrity, and the safeguarding of the state’s sovereign standing.
Across both periods – Burma and Myanmar – one constant is clear: the meaning of the state has always extended beyond administrative structures or constitutional texts. It has embodied the collective aspirations of its people, the preservation of its cultural and geographic identity, and the enduring determination to remain self-governing. Sovereignty, therefore, has not been a static achievement but a living, evolving principle, tested by circumstances and strengthened by the nation’s resilience.
The armed forces, likewise, hold significance not only as an institution but as one of the key components of the state’s architecture. Their role, whether in earlier decades or in the present era, is inseparable from the broader question of how a nation protects itself, maintains stability, and upholds its integrity.
This long view, from Burma to Myanmar, reveals how these three terms have grown, shifted, and deepened within our national narrative. Their definitions may be found in dictionaries, but their true meanings live in the lived experiences of the country and its citizens.

Conclusion
In examining the terms state, sovereignty, and armed forces, it becomes clear that their meanings extend far beyond official definitions and historical timelines. Whether in the era of Burma or the present day of Myanmar, these words represent more than political structures or institutional arrangements. They embody the collective will of a people, the dignity of a nation determining its own course, and the mechanisms through which stability and security are preserved.
A state thrives not only on its territorial boundaries or administrative systems but on the shared understanding that its citizens belong to something greater than themselves. Sovereignty, likewise, is not simply declared; it is exercised through unity, protected through vigilance, and strengthened by mutual trust between the governed and those entrusted with authority. The armed forces, as part of this national fabric, hold a responsibility that is both practical and symbolic, serving as guardians of the country’s independence and as a reminder of the weight carried by those who defend the state’s integrity.
As we reflect on these intertwined concepts, it becomes evident that they form the foundation upon which a nation stands. To understand them is to recognize not only what a country is, but what it aspires to be. And to appreciate their nuances is to see, with clarity, the relationship between land and people, authority and responsibility, identity and continuity. In this sense, the strength of the state, the depth of its sovereignty, and the role of its armed forces reveal the enduring story of a nation navigating its path through history and into the future.
A nation endures when its people understand not only their land, but also the principles that hold it together.

gnlm

Member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee
And Foreign Minister of the People’s Republic of China

The Lancang-Mekong nourishes our six nations and binds us closely together. On 23 March 10 years ago, we officially launched the LMC, sowing the seeds of solidarity, collective strengths and mutually beneficial cooperation among regional countries. Under the guidance of President Xi Jinping and leaders of Mekong countries, our six countries have embraced the LMC culture of equality, sincerity, mutual assistance and kinship, acted in the LMC spirit of development first, equal consultation, pragmatism and efficiency, and openness and inclusiveness, and created the LMC speed, with progress and results delivered daily, monthly and annually. Thanks to such efforts, the LMC has grown from a seed to a towering tree, setting an example for the building of a community with a shared future for humanity.
Over the past decade, we have linked our future more closely together. Facing changes unseen in a century, our six countries have forged ahead hand in hand, realized full coverage in building bilateral communities with a shared future, and become good neighbours, good friends and good partners sharing weal and woe and supporting each other in times of need.
Over the past decade, we have gained more robust momentum for development. Trade between China and the five Mekong countries surpassed US$500 billion, an increase of 150 per cent over a decade ago. The dedication and hard work of government departments and various localities of our six countries have produced fruitful cooperation results.
Over the past decade, we have forged a stronger underpinning for security. Our six countries have carried out the Safe Lancang-Mekong Operation, and made concerted efforts in disaster prevention and mitigation and public health, providing effective protection for the life and property of people in the region. China has shared the Lancang River’s hydrological information with downstream countries to help with flood and drought prevention and response.
Over the past decade, we have deepened people-to-people exchanges. The Lancang-Mekong Visa was launched. Small and beautiful livelihood programmes such as the LMC Bumper Harvest projects and the Lancang-Mekong Sweet Spring Action have delivered impressive cluster effects. The people of our six countries are visiting each other more frequently, strengthening the bonds of cultural exchange and mutual understanding.
Looking back over the past decade, we see three principles that are essential to the robust development of the LMC: first, upholding good neighbourliness, friendship and a shared future; second, focusing on development to serve the people; and third, pursuing innovation and breaking new ground.
Right now, the world is entering a period of turbulence. Hegemonism and power politics are asserting themselves and dealing a heavy blow to the international order. Meanwhile, China just concluded the Two Sessions and officially launched the 15th Five-Year Plan, providing much-needed stability for our region. It is important that we better synergize our development strategies, jointly build an “LMC 2.0”, and demonstrate the relevance of the LMC for our times. This will contribute to long-term stability, security, development and prosperity of our region, and set an LMC example for global governance.
We should pursue unity and cooperation in the LMC. We should carry forward the Asian values of peace, cooperation, openness and inclusiveness, and accelerate the establishment of an LMC International Secretariat, so as to boost the building of a Lancang-Mekong community with a shared future.
We should pursue openness and win-win outcomes in the LMC. We should press ahead with infrastructure connectivity among our countries, further explore the Multi-Nation Multi Park cooperation, deepen cooperation along the New International Land-Sea Trade Corridor, and jointly build the LMC Economic Development Belt.
We should pursue green and innovation-driven development in the LMC. We should deepen the development of the Lancang-Mekong Innovation Corridor, advance cooperation in the digital economy, artificial intelligence, sci-tech innovation and ecological governance, promote investment in new energy, build regional green value chains, and foster green industrial clusters in the region.
We should pursue mutual learning among civilizations in the LMC. We should speed up the development of the Lancang-Mekong Tourism Cities Cooperation Alliance, continue to deepen cooperation among the media outlets and think tanks, amplify the benefits delivered by the LMC Special Fund projects, and step up personnel and youth exchanges among our six countries, so that friendship will be passed on from generation to generation.
We should pursue peace and tranquillity in the LMC. We should strengthen cooperation on whole-basin governance, share upstream and downstream hydrological information, step up efforts to combat cross-border crimes such as online gambling and telecom fraud, and ensure the success of the Safe Lancang-Mekong Operation and the Mekong River Joint Patrol and Law Enforcement Operation. By doing so, we will create a safe environment for building a community with a shared future.
Since the very inception of the LMC, we have been holding the same view that our cooperation should not be “talk shops” but “bulldozers”. With a commitment to putting people first, we should work to deliver real benefits for the people of our six countries. Standing at a new starting point, China will follow the principle of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness on neighbourhood diplomacy, and work with the five Mekong countries to usher in a new golden decade of the LMC. Together, let us build a peaceful, safe, secure, prosperous, beautiful and amicable home, and make our contribution to peace and development in our region and the wider world.
(Views expressed in the article solely belong to the author.)

gnlm