The Myanmar-Korea Friendship Bridge (Dala), the highest steel cable-stayed bridge in Myanmar, opened on 6 February. The bridge has already become a Yangon landmark, with thousands of people using it daily.
Below, we share the accounts of those who have travelled between Dala and Yangon by road and water since the bridge’s opening, as well as those whose livelihoods depend on it.

Ma Mya Phu Ngon (vendor)
My name is Mya Phu Ngon. I live near the Dala-Twantay junction and work at a shop on Latha Road, near Yangon General Hospital. Before the bridge was completed and the YBS (Yangon Bus Service) began operating, I had to take an ‘Oway’ (three-wheeler) to the jetty, cross to Yangon by boat, and then walk to work. The return journey was the same. Now, I can take the YBS directly. Previously, a round-trip cost about K5,000, but now it is only K1,000. In the past, I had to leave by 3 pm or 4 pm to ensure I could get home; now, I can stay in Yangon until the bus arrives at 5 pm or 6 pm.

U Myint Than (boat driver)
My name is U Myint Than. Previously, after deducting fuel costs and tolls, I would have about K30,000-K40,000 left. Now, that has been reduced by half. I am thinking about what future job opportunities might arise now that the bridge is open. I believe factories will soon move here; if that happens, there will be new opportunities for us.

U Ye Ko Ko (driver, YBS 58)
My name is Ye Ko Ko, and I am a driver for YUPT. Our buses run from Botahtaung to the Dala-Twantay junction, starting at 6 am. Currently, they run every 30 minutes, depending on passenger numbers. We plan to increase the frequency to every 15 minutes as demand grows. Since most of our passengers are travelling to Twantay, and these buses currently stop at the Dala Bridge, passengers want the route extended further. We have submitted this proposal to the YBS company. If we adjust the route, we can better serve both Dala and Twantay residents. The previous routes were never this crowded; there were few passengers after office hours. Now, the buses are busy at all times. In the evenings, especially, buses are full in both directions. It’s wonderful to see – you can see young and old people alike enjoying trips across the bridge in groups.

Ma Su Hlaing Htwe (vendor)
I am Ma Su Hlaing Htwe. I work at the U Maung Khaing fruit shop near the Aye Myat Mon clothing shop on the Dala side of the bridge. Now that the bridge is open, more people are visiting Dala from Yangon, so sales of Twantay fruits are more brisk than before. Travel has become much easier and faster for us, and transport costs for our goods have been significantly reduced. If you are visiting Dala from Yangon, please come and support us at the Aye Myat Mon garment shop and U Maung Khaing fruit shop!

U Tun Aung (Jetty station supervisor)
My name is U Tun Aung, and I am the supervisor at the jetty station. We manage two jetties: Kama Aung and Thanlyat. Since the bridge opened, passenger numbers have decreased. Before the opening, there were over 150 ferries; now, there are only about 60. Drivers used to earn about K50,000 a day, leaving them with K30,000-K40,000 after costs. Now, they take home about K20,000. We are still operating, though the fleet has shrunk. — ASH/MKKS

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A ceremony to present remarks by international election observers who monitored Phase III of the multiparty democratic general election, which was successfully held on 25 January 2026, in 61 townships, took place at the Parkroyal Hotel in Yangon yesterday morning.
The event featured video messages from representatives of observation teams from the Republic of Belarus and remarks of the teams from Cambodia, Nepal, Nicaragua, and the Cambodian People’s Party as follows: –

Ms Volha N Chamadanova, Chairperson of the Belarusian Party Belaya Rus of the Republic of Belarus
A five-member delegation from Belarus arrived in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to observe Phase III of the election. We would like to praise the fact that the preparations made in advance for Phase III of the election, as well as the arrangements for election day, were extremely systematic and ensured security. We would also like to express our gratitude to the Head of State and to the Union Election Commission of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar for the warm hospitality and well-organized arrangements provided to our delegation during Phase III of the election.
We have also noticed that Phase III of the election process was organized in accordance with democratic standards. All procedures were transparent, and it was evident that election-related information had already been disseminated to the public, resulting in active public participation. We observed that every stage of polling station preparations complied with the legal standards of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. We would like to extend our sincere thanks for the distinguished invitation extended to our Belarusian delegation.

Mr Sergei A Shkrudnev, Chairman of Minsk City Trade Union, Republic of Belarus
As a member of the election observation delegation from the Republic of Belarus, I have observed that the elections of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar are being conducted peacefully. Today, citizens are coming to the polling stations enthusiastically together with their children, and it can be seen that they are ready to actively participate not only for their country but also for the future of their entire homeland. It is seen that there is transparency is important at the polling stations. I have also noted that, in addition to political parties monitoring today’s election results, the people are present as well. Everything is being carried out transparently and in accordance with the law.
Based on discussions with party representatives who are serving as observers today, we know that the current situation and the voting process are being conducted systematically and without any violations of the law.
Moreover, the Myanmar Electronic Voting Machine system currently used has proven to be highly effective in preventing electoral fraud and in ensuring that elections are held fairly. I believe that the people and citizens of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar are aware of this fact and will understand that no one will be able to interfere with their will in the coming elections.
Besides, I would like to express my gratitude to the Union Election Commission for granting access to visit the polling stations and for providing all necessary information. In particular, I would like to convey my best wishes to all Myanmar citizens for good health and well-being, and I wish that the country will prosper and develop even further, continue to move forward, and achieve greater progress and development.

Mr Yich Samethy, Member of the Cambodian Election Commission
Mingalabar to all distinguished Chairman and members of the Union Election Commission who are attending today’s ceremony, honoured guests from various countries, officials from embassies, and all distinguished guests. On behalf of the Kingdom of Cambodia, we have come to observe the elections in Myanmar, and this marks our second visit for election observation purposes.
At the invitation of the Union Election Commission, we also observed the first round of voting held on 28 December 2025. At that time, we visited six polling stations in Nay Pyi Taw and observed that the election was conducted properly and correctly in accordance with the relevant laws, rules, and procedures. With regard to Phase II of the elections held on 11 January 2026, although we were unable to come in person as representatives of Cambodia, the Ambassador of the Kingdom of Cambodia to Myanmar carried out the observation. Even though we could not personally conduct the observation at that time, it was learned that no irregular or unlawful election-related practices were found. For the Phase III of the elections currently being held, we observed voting at six polling stations in Yangon. During our observation, we noted the following points.
First, the voting process was peaceful. The elections were conducted peacefully, and the public participated actively and enthusiastically. Voters were able to exercise their voting rights freely, without any interference, fear, or intimidation.
Second, we observed the performance of polling station staff. The staff carried out voting and vote-counting procedures in accordance with the prescribed election laws, rules, and procedures, ensuring the integrity of the entire electoral process.
Third, there is transparency. The entire election process was transparent, comprehensive, and clearly implemented. Particularly, during the voting and vote-counting processes, all relevant stakeholders — especially political parties, international election observers, and the media — were able to participate and cooperate, which clearly demonstrated a high level of transparency.
Fourth, regarding the use of Myanmar’s electronic voting machines, we observed that they were highly effective, made the voting and counting processes faster than before, and produced accurate and reliable results. Although this was the first time that many Myanmar voters used these machines, we found that they were already well informed about how to use them properly.
Another point was security. We observed that comprehensive and effective security measures were in place throughout the election process. As a result, voters, polling station staff, and all other relevant stakeholders were able to carry out their responsibilities safely with confidence.
Finally, throughout the entire election observation mission, we did not see any form of electoral fraud or irregularities. During our observation of the 2025 elections in Myanmar, we found that the elections were conducted in accordance with the law. In this Phase III, just as in Phases I and II, we observed that the elections were free, fair, and transparent.
We would like to express our gratitude to the Union Election Commission for inviting us to observe the elections in Myanmar. In addition, we wish all representatives from each country attending this programme a safe and pleasant journey back to their respective countries. With these words, I would like to conclude. Thank You.
 

Dr Janaki Kumari Tuladhar, Member of the Nepali Election Commission
Mingalabar to the distinguished Chairman and members of the Union Election Commission, responsible officials of the Union Election Commission, officials from international embassies, and all honoured guests attending today.
On our part, in accordance with the guidance of the Election Commission, we were honoured to participate as international election observers in the 2025 multiparty democratic general elections of Myanmar. Moreover, we are deeply honoured to have this opportunity to deliver remarks today on behalf of the Election Commission of Nepal.
First of all, we would like to express our sincere gratitude to the Union Election Commission for inviting us to observe the elections. Inviting international election observers is an important demonstration of the commitment to cooperation among election management bodies, to strengthening trust in institutions, and to ensuring transparency in the electoral process. For this opportunity, we would like to extend our heartfelt thanks.
In addition to inviting us, we are also especially grateful for the warm hospitality extended to us throughout our stay in

Myanmar, as well as for the comprehensive arrangements made to support our observation mission.
We would also like to express our special appreciation for the arrangements and assistance provided regarding our accommodation, transportation, security, access to comprehensive election-related information, and all other forms of support necessary for us to carry out our election observation effectively.
Furthermore, I would like to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to the Ambassador of Nepal to Myanmar for the support and assistance extended to our delegation. The Ambassador worked closely with us to facilitate our mission and to further strengthen the friendly relations between Nepal and Myanmar.
Throughout the period of our election observation, we observed that the Union Election Commission had undertaken well-prepared arrangements for the elections. Clear and systematic operational guidelines were implemented, particularly in ensuring voter inclusion in voter lists, facilitating advance voting, and coordinating with other relevant organizations to ensure the smooth functioning of these processes.
When we visited the designated polling stations, we observed that polling station staff carried out their duties honestly, competently, and professionally. They demonstrated a clear understanding of their responsibilities and performed their tasks with full commitment and diligence.
We also observed that polling stations were under a well-managed system, and that voters did not experience confusion or uncertainty regarding the voting procedures. We further noted that Myanmar’s electronic voting machines were designed and developed by local engineers in Myanmar, and that these machines operated without any external interference during the voting process.
The voting process was conducted in a well-organized and systematic environment, ensuring that voters were able to exercise their voting rights without obstruction. In addition, we observed that special arrangements were made to ensure accessibility and convenience for voters with disabilities when using the electronic voting machines.
From the perspective of international election observers, we recognize that conducting elections in any country, especially one with diverse geography, a large population, and varying administrative conditions, can present challenges and shortcomings. In such situations, it is essential to assist to ensure that voters from regions and states and ethnic communities can participate, thereby achieving an inclusive electoral process. During our observation, we noted that legal provisions and arrangements were in place to ensure that the ethnic communities were able to exercise both their right to be elected and their right to vote.
In facilitating election observation, the Union Election Commission shared relevant information with us promptly and demonstrated openness, positivity, and active cooperation with international observers like us. We highly appreciate this transparent approach, as transparency strengthens institutional integrity, public trust, and confidence in the electoral process.
From the international observer’s perspective and in line with established practice, election processes are ongoing and evolving processes. Therefore, it is important to continuously improve voter education programmes, ensure accessibility for all voters, and enhance cooperation among all election stakeholders throughout the entire electoral cycle promptly.
Distinguished Chairman and honoured guests, Nepal is scheduled to hold its election on 5 March 2026, and we continue to face challenges related to election management. At that time, having the opportunity to observe Myanmar’s well-prepared, systematic, and effectively implemented election management processes has been of great value to us. The positive experiences and lessons gained from this observation will be shared and applied in Nepal as we work to ensure integrity, credibility, and public trust in our own electoral processes.
International election observation is not an administrative procedure. It is also an important part of mutual learning and cooperation. We firmly believe that exchanging experiences and knowledge among election management bodies, particularly among ASEAN countries, BIMSTEC member states, and neighbouring countries in the region, is a positive practice that contributes to the conduct of inclusive, credible, and widely accepted elections.
Holding the elections is not only an administrative process. It is an implementation of a nation’s democratic standards and its commitment to the will of the people. From this perspective, we would like to appreciate the Union Election Commission for its professionalism, competence, and dedication in successfully conducting this major general election amid challenging and complex circumstances.
On behalf of the Election Commission of Nepal, I would like to express our sincere gratitude to the Union Election Commission, the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, and all institutions and departments that cooperated and contributed to the successful conduct of this election.
I would like to conclude by wishing the people of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar peace and stability, and continued progress and development along the democratic path. Thank you.

Mr Mario Jose Armengol Campos, Vietnam-based Nicaraguan Ambassador
Good Morning.
Esteemed Chairman of the Union Election Commission U Than Soe, and Commission members, international election observers, representatives from embassies attending this ceremony and all distinguished guests.
On behalf of the Government and the people of Nicaragua, and as a delegation representing Nicaragua, I would like to express our sincere appreciation to the Union Election Commission for inviting us to participate as international election observers in Phase I and Phase III of the elections organized by the Commission.
Myanmar is currently at a very important stage in carrying out its electoral processes. By holding these elections, the people are being allowed to choose the representatives who will govern them and to shape their future through democratic means. At the same time, this is also a period in which efforts are being made to strengthen institutions within the country and to accelerate national development.
The election being held demonstrates the strength, unity, and firm determination of the people of Myanmar. Although there are certain unique challenges and difficulties within the country, we observed that the electoral processes were carried out in a normal, systematic, secure, and transparent manner. It is evident that the people of Myanmar can protect their sovereignty and that the will of the people is being respected.
As an election observer, I found that the entire electoral process was implemented properly and correctly, and that the public has confidence in these elections. We were also able to confirm that holding elections is the correct path toward peace, stability, and development.
Public trust is the most fundamental and essential element in ensuring the integrity and credibility of an entire electoral process. During our observations, we also noted that the technology-based voting systems were implemented accurately and effectively.
We observed that election staff carried out their duties with full responsibility, clear understanding, dignity, integrity, impartiality, and transparency. Our country fully supports this election for its fundamental principles of sovereignty, self-determination, freedom, and fairness in every nation.
In observing the electoral processes, we conducted our work with respect and mutual trust between our two countries, and with a correct and respectful attitude toward the will of the Government and the people of Myanmar.
With respect, I would like to recommend on behalf of our observing delegation. To further improve electoral processes in Myanmar, particularly concerning polling station operations and voter verification procedures, we suggest strengthening and enhancing the system for checking voters’ identification cards.
In conclusion, we would like to thank all responsible authorities in Myanmar for inviting us and allowing us to observe these elections transparently. On behalf of our government, we also affirm that we will continue to cooperate with the Union Election Commission in matters related to elections, experience-sharing, and ongoing collaboration.
Finally, on behalf of the President of Nicaragua, Commander Daniel Ortega Saavedra, and Comrade Rosario Murillo, we extend our best wishes to the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and to the people of Myanmar for greater success, good health, and prosperity. Thank you all.

Dr Chheng Kimlong, Vice-Chairman, International Relations Central Committee, Cambodian People’s Party, International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP)
Esteemed Chairman and Commission members, distinguished guests, we would like to express our sincere gratitude for the opportunity to come to Myanmar at the invitation of the country and to participate as part of a delegation representing the Cambodian People’s Party, as well as for being allowed to deliver remarks today.
We would like to thank the Union Election Commission for inviting us to observe such a perfect and effective election, and for making necessary arrangements to conduct the election observation mission.
We also thank all for briefing the electoral processes of the Union Election Commission and the electronic voting machines to be used in the elections on 24 January when we arrived here.
During these briefings, we received detailed information related to the 2025 elections, including the number of political parties, the number of candidates, the number of eligible voters, the number of constituencies, the number of candidates contesting under political parties, the number of independent candidates, the number of polling stations across townships, the electoral system, and the results obtained from Phases I and II of the elections.
On election day, we visited and observed seven polling stations in different townships. During our observations, we found that the voting process was simple, clear, and transparent, and that polling station staff performed their duties competently and effectively. The polling station environment was peaceful, stable, and secure, and we generally observed that the multiparty democratic general election was being conducted in a free, fair, and transparent manner.
For example, throughout our observation, we noted that each polling station displayed relevant information, including polling station details, lists of political parties, voter lists, lists of independent candidates, lists of advance voters, and voting procedures presented on digital screen televisions. Seating arrangements were also provided for voters who needed to wait.
Moreover, during our observation period, we observed the presence of state-owned and private media, representatives of political parties, domestic and international election observers, and medical teams assigned to each polling station.
We would like to express our gratitude to the Union Election Commission for its efforts to successfully and comprehensively implement the elections, as well as for its close cooperation with all stakeholders involved in the electoral process.
We also conducted interviews at polling stations with local authorities, members of political parties, election commission staff, and voters. We further observed that security personnel had put in place the necessary security arrangements to ensure the successful conduct of the elections, for which we are thankful.
We would like to appreciate the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, the Union Election Commission, especially the UEC Chairman and the people of Myanmar for their resilience, unity, strong sense of patriotism, and dedicated efforts to achieve peace, stability, and development while successfully holding these elections.
On behalf of the Cambodian People’s Party and the people of Cambodia, we will continue to work toward building even closer, more positive, and stronger cooperation between Cambodia and Myanmar and between our two peoples.
Through these efforts, we aim to promote unity and development between Cambodia and Myanmar, not only bilaterally but also in the regions. Thank you very much. — MNA/KTZH

Interviewers: Nyein Thu & Kyaw Gyi; Photos: Kanu & Kyaw Gyi

As Phase III of the multiparty democratic general election 2025 was held in 17 townships of Yangon Region yesterday, eligible voters keenly cast ballots at their respective polling stations from the opening time.
The news team mentioned the aspirations of voters from Dagon, Lanmadaw, Yankin and Tamway townships in Yangon Region and officials’ endeavours to hold a free and fair election.
Ma Khin Mar Lwin (Dagon Township)
As a citizen, I want to the polling station together with all my family members to cast a vote because I want to fulfil my civic duty. I cast my vote for the party I prefer. When a new government emerges, what I want to say is I hope it will take action to reduce commodity prices for the people.
Maung Paing Soe (Dagon Township)
It was an exciting experience for me. It is my first experience of casting a vote in my life. As a young person, I came to vote because voting is a citizen’s right, and because I hope there will be more job opportunities and better living conditions. As a young person, I want to live freely and peacefully. Above all, I want to ensure a good life for my family. We want better jobs and higher wages for young people, and we want a better future for our generation.
Ma Yoon Kabya Soe (Dagon Township)
It is my first-time experience for me to cast a vote. So, I felt excited. I hope there will be more opportunities for employment and improvements in education for us. I came to vote because I hope for a leader who I believe will be better for everyone.
Ma Aye Madi Soe (Lanmadaw Township)
This is my first-time voting. At first, I was worried that I might not know how to do it, but it turned out to be straightforward, and everything went smoothly. As a citizen, you should think about your country – what will happen in the future – and if you live in this country, you should care about it. I want Myanmar to be peaceful and functioning normally. That’s why I studied the candidates and voted for the representative I believe will perform best. Going forward, I hope Myanmar will be peaceful and develop further.
Maung Wai Phyo Oo (Lanmadaw Township)
To exercise my right as a citizen to express my will, I chose the representative whom I believe aligns with my wishes. I want the country to become better than it is now and to see progress in all aspects.
Ma Wut Shwe Yi (Yankin Township)
As this is my first time casting a vote, I feel excited. I am also happy to have the opportunity to vote and not lose my citizen rights. Voting by machine was not difficult at all. I am a university student, and I want to contribute to my country to the best of my ability. I want to see our country become better than now. I also hope for a new government that can develop the education sector to be on par with other Asian countries and, by enhancing young people’s capabilities, help build a better and more progressive future for the youth.
Ma May Thae Nu Khaing (Tamway Township)
This is my first-ever vote. Voting by machine was convenient. I cast my vote for the party I believe will be beneficial for the country. As I am a student, I would like to prioritize the education sector. History shows that countries built on education are the ones advancing rapidly today. When education standards are high, technology follows, and economic success comes naturally; this is clear when we look at neighbouring countries. A stable education system is essential. In the education sector, there must be equal access and equal teaching quality for both mountainous and lowland areas. Since the future of the country depends on young people, the future of our youth can only shine brightly with the light of education. I would like to say that the integration of youth and education is a true driving force for national development.
Ma May Yadana (Tamway Township)
I work at an eye hospital. As a young citizen, this is my first time voting. I cast my vote with full confidence for the party that I believe can raise wages, reduce commodity prices, and improve employment opportunities. I also voted for the party that I think can make living conditions and transportation more convenient for workers. I want the country to be peaceful and stable. I enthusiastically voted for the candidate who I hope will be able to plan and implement measures to improve the lives of workers, and I believe this will give us young workers peace of mind about our future.
Ma Nang Wutyi (Tamway Township)
I cast my vote, which is important for the country. I believe the elected candidate will be able to make the country better and improve the economy. If a new government emerges, I strongly hope that commodity prices will be stable and aligned with wages, that job opportunities will help improve everyone’s economic situation, and that women as a whole will have security and rights. I also have high expectations that the government will be one the public can rely on in areas such as transport, education, and healthcare.
U Soe Win (Tamway Township)
I voted for the party’s candidate who will work for the good of the country without considering personal gain. As citizens, we hope for a developed, peaceful, and prosperous society. This moment is extremely important, and there is much work to be done. To make the country peaceful and prosperous, everyone needs to work together hand in hand. The future of the country depends not only on the hands of the people but also on the capabilities of the new government that will emerge.
Daw Nwe Ni Myo Hlaing (Polling Station Head), Polling Station 1, BEHS No 2 in Ward 14 of Yankin Township
At Polling Station 1 in Ward 14, Yankin Township, there were 2,296 voters, including 74 for the Kayin ethnic representative and 94 for the Rakhine ethnic representative. As early voters, 70 people had already cast their ballots. Arrangements were made so that the public could vote smoothly, including organizing the voter lists for easy checking, and the machines were repeatedly tested. At 5 am on the day the polling station opened, when the candidates arrived, it was demonstrated that the machine buttons were functioning properly and that the machines were set to zero. At 6 am, voters began arriving to cast their ballots. Although the polling station closed at 4 pm, all voters present inside the station were allowed to vote in an orderly manner.
U Dawut (Tamway Township)
I hope a good new government will emerge for the country. Improvements are needed in the health, education, and transport sectors. Most importantly, citizens’ rights should be equal and fair. Currently, the main challenge is the economy, so measures are needed to facilitate booming trade. I also believe that a positive change will occur. For the country to develop, everyone should avoid activities of personal cult and partisanship. We should welcome reformers who will genuinely work to make the country better. So, we wholeheartedly welcome a new government that prioritizes the interests of the country and the people.

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A statement of U Aung Naing Oo, Sittway District Administrator of General Administration Department on independent livelihoods of residents from Aungmingala Ward in Sittway of Rakhine State and another statement of Daw Tin Ni Shwe (a) Nang Rang Saw Ra, residing in Say Tha Mar Gyi Village of Sittway on arrangements of the government for accomodation, health and education sectors were described as follows: –

U Aung Naing Oo (Director)
District Administrator, Sittway District General Administration Department
Now, we arrive in Aungmingala Ward. We see the school in Aungmingala Ward. There are one government’s school and two schools teaching Arabi language. Students from the ward are learning education at the government’s school under full strength of teachers. In our ward, after the 2012 conflict, during 2013-2014, there was security provided outside for the safety of the residents, and gates were set up. After 2014, the gates were removed, and people have been able to move around freely. There are no obstacles or restrictions anymore. Similarly, we also have a busy market nearby, which the local residents of the ward call the ‘Democracy Market.’ At present, this ward is a place where Rakhine indigenous people, other ethnic groups, and Bengali people in Sittway can move about freely without restriction.
This school has a vacant plot, and arrangements are being made to expand it. The school we visited is Aungmingala Ward Basic Education Middle School, where students from the ward are studying. Moreover, plans are underway to build a new school building on the vacant plot to allow further expansion. The area we visited also includes a market in Aungmingala Ward, Sittway, called the ‘Democracy Market.’ In this market, Bengali people from the ward buy and sell goods, and Rakhine indigenous people and other ethnic groups also trade there. Currently, people are able to move and carry out their activities freely and peacefully in this area.

Daw Tin Ni Shwe (a) Nang Rang Saw Ra
Say Tha Mar Gyi Village, Sittway
I have been living here for a long time, about thirty years. I am married and have four children. Regarding medical treatment, we can receive healthcare from the government. The government health department comes once a month to give vaccinations, especially for children. For patients like us, they also come once a week or once every fifteen days to provide medical treatment. We are here to live freely.
In terms of our security, we have an administrative system, including the ward administrator, the household heads, and group leaders. They provide protection for us, and if we need help, we can go and inform them and they will assist us together. We receive good support and opportunities from them. The government also provides us with the best possible support. I work odd-job. I work as a casual labourer. But it is fine. My husband is also a casual labourer.
There are no restrictions at all. We live completely freely, without any disturbance. The government allows us to live freely and peacefully. Everything is fine and satisfactory. Regarding healthcare, as I mentioned, the health department comes once a month to give vaccinations. They give vaccines to pregnant women as well. For children, when they reach two months of age, they are given vaccinations. In real emergency situations, the government provides medical treatment, and we can go there and receive treatment freely.
Regarding education, in our Say Tha Mar Gyi Village we have a post-primary school. Children can study there up to Grade 7. For Grades 8, 9, and 10, the government arranges schools for them in Thetkaepyin. They can go to those schools and attend freely. As for the identity card, in 2017 there was a program under which the government’s Immigration Department came and processed applications. Some people received their cards, and some did not. I am still in the process of applying, and I hope that we will receive it. I am not eligible to vote yet, but I went to observe.

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U Hla Thein
Rakhine State Advocate-General and state government spokesperson
My name is U Hla Thein. I am also the Advocate-General of Rakhine State. I am also the spokesperson of the Rakhine State government. I have to speak about these Bengali camps. In our Rakhine State, the conflicts between the Bengalis and the Rakhine were quite severe and on a large scale in 2012.
After that, we began establishing the Bengali camps to the west of Sittway. They were built jointly by the government and NGOs. At that time, there were 14 camps, and the population was quite large. As of today, based on my own experience, I am saying this. At that time, I was also serving as the Advocate-General. Now, I have again been assigned the responsibility to serve as the Advocate-General here, so regarding these matters, I have been very directly involved in the work myself. That is why I know them well.
So, regarding the camps, teams were formed for each camp, and state-level departmental heads were assigned as team leaders to carry out the work. Regarding healthcare in those camps, starting from that time, mobile medical teams have been going around and providing medical treatment every month. Later on, we provided rural health services. And in Thetkaepyin, we built a station hospital with a capacity of sixteen beds.
Regarding medical treatment, if people from the Bengali camps and Bengali villages needed to be admitted to the Sittway General Hospital during the time of conflict, the government, in cooperation with the Red Cross, arranged for the patients to be treated at the Sittway Hospital. As for the education sector as well, there are many villages in that area. Since there are also camps, there are about 22 schools in total, including primary, middle, and high schools. The highest level is the Thetkaepyin High School. If students pass primary school, there is a post-primary school there.
There is a middle school as well, and then they can continue to the Thetkaepyin High School. Last year, students from this high school passed the matriculation examination with distinctions in three subjects. There are also Bengalis who passed from the Thetkaepyin School and are now studying at the Sittway University. Therefore, in terms of education, it is not bad. Regarding food supplies, they are provided by NGOs, especially by the WFP (World Food Programme). The state government also cooperates and participates in assisting. UNHCR also provides support. His main focus is on ensuring access to clean drinking water and, secondly, on housing in good condition for rehabilitation.
In some periods, there were also fires caused by negligence, so the camps had to be rebuilt. Recently, ten blocks were burned down in Say Tha Mar Gyi village, where we went. Each block contained 18 houses, making a total of shelters for 180 families. So we arranged temporary accommodation for them. Now, the rebuilding is underway, and by the end of this month, we will have resettled everyone. Especially in terms of medical treatment, at present, there aren’t any checkpoints restricting movement. At the Sittway Hospital as well, there are quite a large number of them. Just recently, a Buddhist monk came to the Sittway Hospital and provided support and assistance to the patients. You will see many Bengalis at the hospital. “Impala’ is the Myanmar name, which is ‘Aung Mingala’.
In 2012, there were conflicts. In 2013 and 2014, depending on the situation of those conflicts, we set up barricades in cooperation with Tatmadaw and the police around this village and checked and controlled the entry and exit of people. The main reason was that there was only one Bengali quarter among the Rakhine quarters, so we were protecting them. It is heard that the barricades have been removed since 2014. At that time, the Chief Minister was Maj-Gen Maung Maung Ohn. When U Maung Maung Ohn was serving as Chief Minister, the American billionaire George Soros visited. We were there as well.
During that period of time, there were still barricades in place. After that, from 2014 onwards, there were no more barricades. Now, in that village, Rakhine people also freely go in and out. Bengalis are also able to move around and travel freely. In general, Bengalis and Rakhine have lived together here throughout history.
During the periods when they lived together, there were social issues and problems. When conflicts occurred, there were resentments and problems. However, at the same point, those issues eventually fade away and are resolved. Now, both sides are living calmly and peacefully. The living conditions, healthcare, education, and overall social and economic well-being of the Bengalis are also good. You can also see them opening large shops and doing business in areas like Thae Chaung and Ta Paing.

U Kyaw Thein Maung (a) Mamauk Amee
Camp member of the Khaungdukka IDP Camp
My name is U Kyaw Thein Maung, (aka) Mamauk Amee. This camp was established in 2012. In that year, the government and NGOs worked together to build it for us. After it was built, we faced difficulties once again. On 1 March 2025, a fire broke out, and the camp was burned. After the fire, the Rakhine State government came and helped us a great deal. They provided both money and relief supplies, and they also cooked and distributed meals for us.
I am the camp leader. Among the 15 members of the committee, I am the most senior. The Rakhine State government gave us very strong support. On the very day the fire broke out, they came in the morning with fire trucks and extinguished the fire. Then again, in the afternoon, around 4 pm, they came to put out the fire, provided water, and also cooked and served food to us. They cooked and provided meals for us for two to three days, and then they helped us a great deal by giving both rice and money so that every household could cook for themselves.
There are 50 buildings in the camp, with a total of 400 rooms. I have seven children. Three of them are already married: one daughter and two sons. The remaining four are not married yet. We are proud of the Rakhine State government. Government teams that conduct household assessments supervise and take care of us. We heard that rebuilding the camp after the fire cost more than two billion kyats. After the fire, they first provided us with temporary shelter using tarpaulin tents. With the government’s own budget, they rebuilt the camp for us. Now that the reconstruction is complete, we are able to live in these new buildings. All of this assistance was provided by the Rakhine State government in cooperation with NGOs. News Team

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Daw Aye Aye Thein
Director, Department of Immigration, Ministry of Immigration and Population

I am going to explain the current implementation status of the Ministry of Immigration and Population regarding the repatriation of displaced persons from Rakhine State. Due to the incidents that occurred in northern Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017, approximately 500,000 residents from that area fled to neighbouring Bangladesh of their own volition. To facilitate the systematic verification and repatriation process, the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh signed a bilateral agreement on 23 November 2017.
In accordance with the repatriation agreements between Myanmar and Bangladesh, five fundamental principles of eligibility were established as the criteria for the return process. The criteria are as follows: those wishing to return must be individuals who genuinely resided in Myanmar. The returnees must be individuals who wish to return to Myanmar voluntarily. For separated family members, remaining family members, and orphans, a certification of authenticity from a Bangladesh court must be provided. Children born in the neighbouring country must be the offspring of parents who can be verified as former residents of Myanmar. For children born during the conflict, a certification of authenticity from a Bangladesh court must be provided.
In order to implement the repatriation process in accordance with these criteria, officials from Myanmar and Bangladesh signed the ‘Physical Arrangement’ plan on 15 January 2018.
Furthermore, the Joint Working Group (JWG) for the repatriation process, led by officials from the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of both Myanmar and Bangladesh, was established in November 2018. Between 2018 and 2022, a total of five JWG meetings were held alternately in Myanmar and Bangladesh to conduct discussions.
In accordance with the repatriation agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh, the Bangladesh side sent the lists of over 800,000 displaced persons in six separate batches between 2018 and 2021 to verify those eligible under the repatriation criteria.
To verify whether the lists of over 800,000 displaced persons sent by Bangladesh were indeed former residents of Myanmar, the department developed a Civil Registration software. Using this software, our staff performed cross-verification by inputting data from the 2016 household lists, which include family photos and records, collected by the department in northern Rakhine State.
As of 16 January 2026, we have completed the cross-verification of over 300,000 individuals listed in the verification forms. The verified data for these individuals has already been transmitted to the Bangladesh side through diplomatic channels.
Among the verified residents with confirmed proof of residency, the Bangladesh side announced they would return a first batch of over 2,000 people in November 2018, and a second batch of over 3,000 people in August 2019. Although Myanmar made all necessary arrangements to receive them by opening two repatriation centres, Bangladesh failed to send them back on both occasions.
Moreover, we have arranged and implemented the repatriation process under a ‘Pilot Project’ for displaced persons from Rakhine State. Based on the discussions held between officials of both countries in Dhaka, Bangladesh, in February 2020, an agreement was reached for the initial repatriation of 840 displaced persons.
From among them, 711 individuals who were verified to have displaced as entire families were approved for repatriation under the Pilot Project. In order to accept the 711 individuals along with their related family members simultaneously, and to implement in accordance with the decisions made during the fifth JWG meeting, an ad-hoc verification team led by the Head of the Rakhine State Immigration Department conducted its first on-site verification visit to Teknaf, Bangladesh, in March 2023. Based on those interviews, 465 related family members were verified. Together with the 711 individuals previously cleared, a total of 1,176 individuals were approved for repatriation.
On 5 May 2023, Myanmar officials hosted and presented detailed briefings for a ‘Go and See Visit’ consisting of seven officials from Bangladesh and 20 representatives of the displaced persons camps. They were escorted to observe the specific villages designated for the resettlement of returnees. On 30 June 2023, in accordance with the decisions made under the ‘New Bilateral Initiative’ co-sponsored by both countries, a total of 2,807 individuals were approved for repatriation under the Pilot Project. This total includes 1,766 individuals who were verified as entire families previously residing in northern Maungdaw with no criminal records, alongside 1,041 individuals out of the 1,176 previously cleared by the first on-site verification team. In order to facilitate the simultaneous return of the 2,807 individuals along with their related family members, a Myanmar verification team and ‘Go and Talk’ members travelled to Teknaf, Bangladesh, for a second mission to conduct further interviews in October 2023. Based on the results of the second verification mission, it was officially decided and approved to repatriate a total of 2,933 verified individuals.
Under the Pilot Project, twenty villages have been designated for the resettlement of the 2,933 approved returnees. The process was organized through the opening of two reception centres, Ngakhuya and Taungpyoletwe, with a planned capacity to verify and accept 250 individuals per week at each centre, totalling 500 returnees per week. There were plans for the verified returnees to temporarily settle at the Hlapoekaung Transit Centre before moving them to the 20 designated villages. Furthermore, arrangements were made to collaborate with relevant ministries to provide necessary support for their livelihoods and basic needs, including food, clothing, and shelter.
As UNDP and UNHCR offered to provide support for the repatriation process of displaced persons from Rakhine State, a Tripartite Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed between the Ministry of Immigration and Population, UNDP, and UNHCR on 6 June 2018. UNDP and UNHCR have provided support for regional development projects in northern Rakhine State, including livelihood programmes, basic infrastructure, access to water, the repair of roads and bridges, and assistance in education, healthcare, and social services. At present, the Ministry of Immigration and Population continues to renew the MOU with UNDP and UNHCR on an annual basis to ensure the ongoing implementation of regional development projects, contingent upon the local security situation.
Despite Myanmar’s comprehensive preparations and readiness to facilitate the repatriation process, there has been no return of displaced persons from the Bangladesh side to date.
Nevertheless, I would like to state that Myanmar remains fully prepared to facilitate a smooth and successful repatriation process for displaced persons from northern Rakhine State, should they choose to return of their own free will.

Daw Thida Myint (aka) Junila
Khaungdukka (Bengali) Village, 
Sittway

My name is Thida Myint. My Muslim name is Junila. I am from Khaungdukka Village, and I have three children. Government departmental officials come here for vaccinations, and others provide general medical injections and treatment. If we have emergency cases, we have to go to Thetkaepyin Hospital.
The village elders and local community leaders have collaborated to establish a guard plan by household. For example, ten houses will be on security duty today, another ten houses tomorrow, and so on, following a scheduled and organized security arrangement. We mainly do farming. In our village, there are shops and also many daily casual labourers. There is nothing special beyond that. There are no restrictions at all. We can travel freely and smoothly.
There are no restrictions at all. Access to healthcare services is on a regular basis, and if there are many patients and the medicines are not sufficient, we can go to Thetkaepyin Hospital and receive treatment for free. Everything is free, and that is how it is arranged. In Khaungdukka Village, we have a post-primary school. Once children finish post-primary school, they have to attend the Thetkaepyin High School. The nearest school to us is Thetkaepyin School, so we go there. Education is completely free. The government has arranged everything.
We applied for our citizenship scrutiny cards and have already received them. We went to the Immigration Department office ourselves and applied in person. Since we had all the required documents, everything was in order. We received it very quickly. We also had the right to vote this year. Our names were registered in the Thae Chaung area, so we went there to vote. Everyone was able to vote freely.
We also saw that some people who were not in voter lists still went happily just to observe the voting process. Everything was calm and peaceful.

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U Kyaw Tin Hlaing (100-household elder)
Aungmingala Ward, Sittway.

My name is U Kyaw Tin Hlaing. My Muslim name is Musa Ahmed. I am a 100-household elder from Aungmingala Ward. There are five wards namely Gontan, Kathit, Kyaunggyilan, Aungmingala, and Maulid connected with ethnic communities. There are 720 households with a population of around 4,000 people in these five wards. I have been serving as a 100-household elder since 2010. During the conflict period in June 2012, Tatmadaw and police members protected our ward. Nothing happened to our ward due to the protection provided in a timely manner.
As there were concerns about arson, the state government, in cooperation with the combined team comprising Tatmadaw and police protected our ward. At that time, tensions between groups were high, and there were fears for people’s safety, so security was provided. Up to now, nothing has happened to our ward.
The government provides us with rice every month. NGOs also assist frequently. In the past, there were the Myoma market and shops in our ward. There were traders, painters, masons, carpenters, and casual labourers of all kinds. After the conflict, due to a lack of harmony between communities, people stayed within the village and survived on aid.
Around 2019, after relations gradually became more harmonious, the checkpoints that had been set up were removed. Police units were also completely withdrawn in 2020. Now, we can go to the main market outside and buy goods. Some fish vendors are also able to go to the main market to sell fish. There are no problems.
In our ward, there are also shops and clinics jointly operated with ethnic communities. At the clinic opened by the government, people of all religions come for medical treatment. There are no problems between people. At present, there is freedom.
Regarding healthcare, during the conflict period, if we needed to go to a hospital, we had to inform the authorities and go under security arrangements through the ward. Now, there is no need to do that. We can go to clinics on our own. There is also a Thaddha Clinic operating in the ward. We can get healthcare services there. The government provides medical services in the ward twice a week on a regular basis.
There used to be only one primary school in our ward for children. Now, it has been upgraded to a middle school. The chief minister pledged that a school building will be built to be a high school from the middle school in the future. We have not yet been able to provide land, but once land is provided, the government will construct the school. For examinations, students currently go to Thetkaepyin to sit for their exams.
Now, if there are tenders in our area, Muslims are also able to apply for tenders through the government. We apply jointly with ethnic communities. Whoever qualifies wins the tender. Businesspeople and traders also order goods from Yangon and sell them here. Some people work as painters, masons, and carpenters at the homes of ethnic people. Harmony has been achieved. At present, there are absolutely no problems. We are also able to go to the hospital for medical treatment. As Muslims, we are required to pray at the mosque five times a day, and we can do all five prayers regularly. — News Team/KTZH

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The hearings concerning the case between The Gambia and Myanmar are being held at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague, the Netherlands, from 12 to 29 January.
Here is the interview with Senior Advisor of Myanmar Institute of Strategic and International Studies, Founder and Executive Director of the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, and Director Dr Nai Swe Oo of the Myanmar Narrative Think Tank.
I would like to discuss first that I personally conducted field research in Buthidaung and Maungtaw areas in 2018 and 2019 regarding the Bengali issue that occurred in Rakhine State. I am someone who has directly observed and understood the ground realities.
Moreover, we, Think Tank, are involved in discussions on the repatriation of Bengalis. While holding regular dialogues between the Think Tank of Bangladesh and Myanmar, I have regularly taken part in the discussions since 2018 and 2019.
I would like to briefly discuss the current situation in which Myanmar is facing legal proceedings at the ICJ. On 11 November 2019, The Gambia, a small country located in West Africa, initiated legal proceedings against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice with the support of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).
The Gambia made allegations claiming that Myanmar violated the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention) and filed the lawsuit on that basis.
The main point is that the case was filed based on allegations related to incidents that occurred in northern Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017. However, when we look at The Gambia, it is a small country located thousands of miles away from Myanmar in West Africa. From Myanmar’s perspective, The Gambia has no legal obligation or standing to bring a case against Myanmar. The Gambia is merely acting as a proxy of the OIC. The next fact is that there is no dispute between The Gambia and Myanmar. The place alleged by The Gambia did not occur within Gambian territory, nor did it have any impact on Gambian citizens. It can therefore be seen that The Gambia’s accusations are solely one-sided.
However, in January 2020, the ICJ issued Provisional Measures, and Myanmar had to submit reports every six months.
Myanmar, as a responsible member of the international community, has regularly submitted the required reports. However, on the other hand, The Gambia and some other countries have criticized these measures as insufficient. Nonetheless, it can be seen that Myanmar has faithfully fulfilled its obligations.
In July 2022, the Court rejected Myanmar’s preliminary objections and confirmed that it has jurisdiction over the case. It was also observed that, in addition to The Gambia, 11 countries, including Canada, Denmark, France and Germany, had the right to intervene in the case under Article 63.
I will continue to discuss the current situation. At present, the case has reached the hearings stage. A Myanmar delegation led by Union Minister U Ko Ko Hlaing for the Ministry 2 of the President’s Office, currently in The Hague, the Netherlands, is serving as Agent of Myanmar and presenting the defence at the ICJ. However, it should be noted that cases at the ICJ are not resolved in a short period of time and often take many years.
In other words, the presence of a Myanmar delegation at the ICJ in The Hague, the Netherlands, represents the legitimacy of the Myanmar government. — MNA/KTZH

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U Win Lwin
Retired Ambassador

When Operation Nagamin began, I was in charge of the relevant department at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As there was an increase in people entering the country illegally, we conducted a census. I believe the first pilot project took place in Mingala Taungnyunt. From there, we moved on to Sittway in Rakhine State. During this process, people who had entered Rakhine State for various reasons and lacked official registration documents fled.
When they fled, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs received a report that there were about 800 people; over time, this number gradually grew into a large and widespread community. The number on the other side also grew to hundreds of thousands, and complaints were raised between the two sides. The government conducted an investigation, after which the two sides met for discussions on two or three occasions. The other side also formed a delegation led by its Foreign Minister, and we did the same. We discussed the issue extensively, and the Myanmar side stated that our country shares land and water borders with Bangladesh and that, as it was a newly independent country, we would do everything possible in accordance with our policy toward neighbouring countries. The elders decided to accept this approach: if a person residing here was found to have a legitimate claim, we would accept them. On that basis, we proceeded with negotiations.
When we say they will be accepted back, it appears that, among those who fled — numbering over 100,000, as I mentioned earlier — only a little over 3,000 people actually possess genuine Myanmar registration cards. The rest offer explanations such as having fled, having their tents burned, disappearing, being left behind, or losing their registration cards. In any case, if they are truly people who have lived in Rakhine State, Myanmar, they will be accepted, and so on.
Of the registration certificates, about 3,000 were genuine. Among the rest, some had fake registration certificates, while others had fake household cards. In any case, if a person truly had lived in Rakhine State, Myanmar, I accepted them. In total, I accepted and recognized about 130,000 — perhaps 140,000; I do not remember the exact number. In this regard, Myanmar was the first — indeed, the seventh — country in the world to recognize this. The meaning of this was to uphold a good-neighbor policy. I accepted them in a spirit of friendship.
They also insisted on taking everyone back, saying nothing and simply accepting them. This side agreed, and when it did, the process was carried out in stages. If they had lived in Rakhine State, we would accept them regardless, and we did so without further verification. Because the two countries are neighbours, the acceptance was based on friendship — in that sense.
Now, finally, this is the third time. There was a second time, and that process has ended. For the third time, Myanmar, as a neighbouring country, stated — as it had before — that if a person was genuinely from Rakhine State, they would be accepted. However, this time the other side acted differently. Their leadership was no longer the same as before, and although they had previously sent back those who were accepted here, this time they did not do so. Instead, they internationalized the issue, turning it into a global matter rather than a simple issue between two countries.
When this issue became internationalized, the entire world immediately became aware of it. Information technology was used, and Myanmar was affected. The situation was leveraged to turn it into a global problem. We do not know who was responsible—whether it was the relevant country or organizations sharing the same religion as that country. In reality, the matter was minor, and this side had accepted it honestly, as before. However, sending people back was delayed, and the case was brought before the World Court. When the case was filed, it carried severe charges.
In fact, police officers were killed in the incident. Compared with the killings and bombings taking place in the Middle East, this incident was minor and largely unrelated. For political gain, people from their own country are being targeted — undermining the ruling government and harming the nation itself. This has damaged the relationship between two countries that must coexist, whether they like it or not. The real issue is not merely the lawsuit; it is that Myanmar has been taken to the World Court by a country with which we have never had a conflict and of which we had little prior knowledge. Consider whether this is right or wrong — whether this is truly just.
The relevant country is not simply making an accusation; the claim comes from a distant country that intervenes deliberately, conspires, and creates this problem. This has nothing to do with any individual or policy—it is, simply put, a matter of plain fact. Ideally, if someone is affected, they have the right to respond. In this case, however, the person responsible did not commit the act; it was carried out by someone far from the area and completely unrelated. So what is the difference between then and now? When two countries are neighbors and share a land border, they should cooperate for a lifetime, whether they like it or not. At a time when the world is facing such challenges, a global organization has not encouraged collaboration but has instead driven the two countries further apart. I see this as a simple matter, not caused by any individual. There are many problems in the world, and neighbors have many issues they need to handle together. I see this as a situation in which they simply do not want to face each other.

Dr Myint Thein
Member of Myanmar Historical Commission

The Rohingya people do not actually exist in our country. There is no mention of this group in the history of Rakhine, nor in the history of Myanmar. In the early period of Myanmar’s history, about six documents were written concerning one hundred and one people, and none of these documents mention the Rohingya. So how did this issue arise? Previously, they were referred to as Rakhine Muslims, Bengalis, Chattogram Thar, or sometimes Khao Taw. The name Khao Taw was still in use during the Myanma Socialist Programme Party era, up until the 1980s.
This term did not exist at that time. English records show that this name does not appear in either colonial or contemporary documents. In 1872, the British first entered Burma and began taking a census in the Rakhine State and Lower Myanmar. The census was conducted in 1881, and then again in subsequent years. Thereafter, censuses were conducted every ten years — 1891, 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931, and 1941. These censuses included information on ethnicity, population, gender, and age. In the Rakhine State censuses, the terms used were “Bengalis” and “Chattogram Thar” and sometimes “Hindustan”. Although the British did not always conduct the census with complete accuracy regarding how many people entered or left the region, this particular term did not appear until the Second World War.
This name appears relatively late. A scholar who studied this thoroughly noted that he had previously served as a British ambassador to Thailand, Vietnam, and Laos. When he studied this group, he searched for all available evidence from the British colonial period in India. He examined reports, censuses, official records, and court rulings. What he concluded from this research was that, during the 122 years that the British occupied and administered Rakhine, there was no mention of the word “Rohingya” in any of the evidence. Who is this scholar? His name is Derek Tonkin. He also confirmed that he found no occurrence of the word “Rohingya” in the historical records. Similarly, a prominent researcher on Rakhine, Jacques Leider, wrote in the Oxford Encyclopedia of Asia that this term became popular around 1950. From this, we can infer that this group is a relatively recent, newly defined community.
Another point is: when did this name emerge? The name only came into being after World War II. However, the fundamental reason for the emergence of this name after World War II was that, in 1947, Muslims in India sought to separate. When they attempted to form Pakistan, the Muslims in Buthidaung and Maungtaw stated that if they wanted to separate from India, they should be included in that new country. They approached the leader of the Pakistan secession movement, Ali Jinnah, from India and requested to be incorporated into Pakistan.

But Ali Jinnah refused. In 1947, General Aung San went to London to sign the Aung San-Attlee Agreement. Afterwards, when he traveled to India, he met with Ali Jinnah and the Muslim separatist leader. During the meeting, the General said, “Relax on this matter; we have no desire to merge with any other country, and we are against all those who try to secede from it.” He also reassured them, saying, “There is no need to worry about it.” The Muslim groups in Buthidaung and Maungtaw, who had attempted to merge, eventually considered how they could establish and claim a separate state within Myanmar after the Second World War.
The problem was that, when Myanmar gained independence in 1948, the Rakhine ethnic leaders in Rakhine began demanding a separate state and an autonomous region. The Bengalis feared that granting Rakhine such independence would lead to increased oppression against them. As a result, they began considering demands for self-administration of their own and started planning how to achieve it.
One of them was that around 1948, the Mujahid leaders began making demands on behalf of their people. At that time, the Muslim liberation leader at the Muslim Conference requested a state for them as Rakhine Muslims. Then, in 1951, during the Muslim Conference held in Ale Than Kyaw village in Maungtaw, they also requested a separate state for the Bengalis. When they made this request, the term “Rohingya” was not used. They only asked for a separate state for themselves and to be recognized as Rakhine Muslims so that they could operate independently.
The Rakhine people do not like the term “Rakhine Muslim” because there are no Muslims among the Rakhine, so they do not accept it. At that time, they were referred to as Chattogram Thar, Bengali, Rakhine Muslims, or the people of Kho Taw. Among these names, the one we preferred was “Rakhine Muslim”, but since the Rakhine people did not accept it, a new name had to be created.
When I think about it, this name began to become widespread around 1950. The word “Rowentgya” was first used around 1948 to refer to refugees who had been displaced from elsewhere. Later, a person named Abdul Ghaffar, who was elected to parliament, mentioned it in parliament around 1950. The term “Rohingya” then began to be used to refer to their people. At the same time, Abdul Ghaffar wrote a comprehensive historical article about the Rohingya in the Guardian newspaper. The article, which focused on the Sudetan Muslims, was published in 1951. Then, in May 1960, another person named MA Tahi Ba Tha wrote about it as well. Similarly, when we refer to the Rowanghnya, we are not necessarily referring to them as Rohingya. He also explained in the Guardian how the Rowanghnya people came into being.
In other words, this name was clearly created around 1950. It is evident that this is not an indigenous ethnic group and that it was deliberately constructed later. When the census was conducted in Sittway in 1953, the people of Buthidaung and Maungtaw included all those who had come from Chattogram. They were compelled to register and were forcibly counted in the census. Among those recorded, some were listed as Rakhine Muslims, while others were listed as Rohingyas.
Therefore, we can conclude that the term they use is a fabricated ethnic name that emerged around 1950, as noted by Western researchers. It can be assumed that it was deliberately created and adopted for political purposes. — The Information Team

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“Looking at this pattern, Bengali people live in both Bangladesh and Myanmar, and in Myanmar, the term ‘Rohingya’ is used. This is what Brig-Gen Aung Gyi meant in his speech, referring to the people living on both sides of the border.” (Associate Professor Dr Sint Sint Myat)

“Following this incident, UNHCR referred to it as a fact-finding mission and formed a team to investigate. However, when I read the report, I found that the facts were not recorded at all. Instead, the report relied on interviews with refugees in the camps. In my view, it presents the opposite of reality.” (Retired Colonel Maung Maung Nyein)

The hearings in the case between The Gambia and Myanmar are taking place at the International Court of Justice in The Hague, the Netherlands, from 12 to 29 January. Below are statements from Colonel Maung Maung Nyein (Retd), who served in Rakhine State, and Dr Sint Sint Myat, Associate Professor, Department of International Relations at the Yangon University of Foreign Languages (YUFL).

Colonel Maung Maung Nyein (Retd)
(Formerly served in Rakhine State)
I was transferred to No 263 Light Infantry Regiment in Buthidaung Township in 1993, where I served as a commanding commander. I spent about three years there. At that time, the Border Region Immigration Control Headquarters Na Sa Ka had just formed, and there were many Bengali villages around our regiment. During that period, we worked well with the Bengalis and carried out the Na Sa Ka operations together.
The incident I am referring to occurred in Rakhine State in 2017. I would like to say that when we lived in Rakhine State earlier, the Bengalis were not like this. So why did these things happen? Because I could not understand it, I personally went to the Buthidaung-Maungtaw region in 2018. I travelled throughout the area, from Rathedaung in the south to Maungtaw in the north, and interviewed Rakhine ethnic people, Bengalis, and Maulavis and monks who had experienced the incident. I have records of all these interviews.
Another major incident occurred when Bengalis entered Yebaukkya village and killed 144 people from the entire village. They also took seven girls from there. The intention was to use these seven girls as evidence once they reached the other side. It was a staged incident, in which the killings were carried out in a way that made it appear Tatmadaw was responsible, while the perpetrators escaped under the pretense of being pursued by Tatmadaw.
Fortunately, these girls escaped from the Kutupalong refugee camp in Bangladesh. I met them in person and interviewed them. Through these interviews, I learned the true story, which led me to write a book documenting it. This book is a research-based work.
The book is titled ‘Bengalis Trying to Migrate with Dignity’, and I later gave it the title ‘Displacement with Dignity’. The title was inspired by a research paper written by two lawyers in Australia, which argued that due to climate change, people in Bangladesh are seeking to migrate with dignity to neighbouring countries. That is why I chose that title for my book.
The main point is that this project was carried out with premeditation. We have also released a video recording presenting the true story of the Yebaukkya village incident. What I later discovered was that before this incident, during security operations in the area, the army found a laptop in a Bengali camp. The laptop contained numerous records showing that these Bengalis had travelled to Saudi Arabia for military training for two to three years before the incident.
On another occasion, in the Buthidaung-Maungtaw region, we observed caves being dug along the Meyu Mountain Range and training activities taking place inside them. From this, it was clear that these actions were premeditated.
Following this incident, UNHCR referred to it as a fact-finding mission and formed a team to investigate. However, when I read the report, I found that the facts were not recorded at all. Instead, the report relied on interviews with refugees in the camps. In my view, it presents the opposite of reality.
The report claims, for example, that Tatmadaw killed about 10,000 Bengalis, among other allegations. These claims are greatly exaggerated and unsupported by solid evidence. There is not a single photograph to substantiate them. In this era, when almost everyone has a phone, there is still not a single video file to support these claims.
On the other hand, there was a major Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) report that relied solely on oral testimony. Based on that report, the OIC brought The Gambia into the picture and subsequently took the case to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). In this context, the Independent Commission of Enquiry (ICOE), headed by a deputy minister from the Philippines, came to our country to examine the facts. During the investigation, we were able to present evidence to support our account. The international media reported extensively on this. As I could no longer remain there, I went to Thailand and held a press conference with various news organizations. I presented the facts, and the Thai state broadcaster also interviewed me due to its interest in the issue. The transcript of that interview was later released. What actually happened is very different from what is commonly claimed.
The next development involved a journalist who is a former Syrian citizen and now an American citizen, whose news agency was highly respected. He came to Yangon, and when he arrived, I explained everything to him. I told him, “You are a Muslim yourself. Go and see the real situation on your own, without being guided”. I advised him to visit the mosque, the market, and the surrounding areas. I asked him to observe how many Rakhine people were selling goods in the Maungtaw market. There were none; they were all Bengalis. I told him to speak with Bengalis working in the fields and to visit the schools, where he would also see them.

When he returned, what he told me was completely different from what he had expected. He said that while security in Rakhine was not good, people were living peacefully. He personally went to the mosque and met religious leaders. As a Muslim himself, he saw with his own eyes that Bengalis were able to live and work freely. His news agency later released a video documenting this, which was distributed internationally.
What I want to emphasize is that these Bengalis are not citizens of our country. They have no proof of citizenship. Nevertheless, Myanmar grants non-citizen Bengalis the right to education, employment, and medical treatment. He saw clear evidence that our government treated non-citizens in the same way as its own citizens. To sum up, this Bengali issue is a premeditated and well-planned process. Its main objective is to place our government in a political trap and ultimately force the acceptance of these non-citizen Bengalis.
In our country, we maintain precise records of Bengalis, including detailed lists, photographic records, and fingerprint records. According to our data, about 400,000 people fled from our country to Bangladesh, and currently, more than 400,000 Bengalis remain in Rakhine State. This means that more than half of them fled. However, the number of Bengalis in the Kutupalong refugee camp is estimated at about 1.5 million. I do not know where the rest came from. This suggests that a large number of Bengalis may return to this country.
Myanmar and Bangladesh have a readmission agreement, under which we will accept only those who actually fled from Myanmar. Our position is clear: returnees must provide evidence that they lived here and fled from Myanmar. Only those who can do so will be accepted. However, we have observed demands that Myanmar must accept all Bengalis indiscriminately and grant them citizenship.
The issue at Myanmar’s western gateway, in the Bengali region, poses a major challenge for the country. There is no solid evidence, yet the ICJ is addressing a case based largely on oral testimony. In fact, when we examine the legal process, it appears that justice is lacking.

Dr Sint Sint Myat
Associate Professor, Department of International Relations
Yangon University of Foreign Languages (YUFL)
Today, I will discuss the use of the word “Rohingya” in a speech delivered by Brig-Gen Aung Gyi at the 1961 surrender ceremony of the Mujahid armed groups.
The first point I want to make is that when Brig-Gen Aung Gyi used the word “Rohingya,” he did so as a concession to the government’s authority, in response to the Mujahid armed groups’ demand to be referred to as Rohingya rather than Bengali.
Secondly, when using this term, Brig-Gen Aung Gyi did not intend to suggest that the Rohingya, as claimed by the Mujahid, are distinct from the Bengalis living in the border areas of Bangladesh.
Third, ethnic groups live along the borders with Myanmar on both sides. For example, just as the Lisu, Iko, and Lawa people live along the border with China, the Tai, Mon, and Kayan people live along the border with Thailand. Therefore, it is not only along the Meyu border, previously known as northern Rakhine State, that Bengali people live on both sides. Historically, other ethnic groups have lived along the borders with China, Myanmar, and Thailand. For instance, in Myanmar, they are known as the Shan, while in China, they are called the Tai. Looking at this pattern, Bengali people live in both Bangladesh and Myanmar, and in Myanmar, the term “Rohingya” is used. This is what Brig-Gen Aung Gyi meant in his speech, referring to the people living on both sides of the border.
In the meantime, I would like to discuss the use of the word “Rohingya” in the speech of Brig-Gen Aung Gyi and the information found in the Rohingya programme of the Myanmar radio service. First, I will address the origin of the Rohingya broadcast programme. Since World War II, programmes related to foreign ethnic groups have been broadcast in Burma. For example, there were Tamil-language programmes, Bengali programmes, and Hindustani programmes.
However, in 1961, at the request of Brig-Gen Aung Gyi and the Mujahid armed groups, the Bengali-language programme was renamed the Rohingya programme, because the term “Rohingya” was used instead of “Bengali”. According to our findings, at that time, the Myanmar radio had two separate types of programmes: ethnic-language programmes and border-region ethnic programmes. Since the Rohingya programme (originally called Bengali) was not considered an ethnic-language programme, it was included under border-region ethnic programmes, as was also reported in the daily newspapers of 1961. — The News Team

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